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ABSTRACT
Social movements often use symbolism for various purposes to express themselves, to forge or
strengthen collective identity, to represent or express collective identity or collective action, to
reach out to a targeted audience for different reasons, to mobilize the public etc. In the Sudan
movement from December 2018 to August 2019, personae of two protestors, Alaa Salah and
Mohammed Mattar. were used for different purposes. This article investigates the significance of
the two personae in symbolic production for the purposes of expressing the Sudan movement and
advancing the demands of the movement.
© Authored By: - Nadew Zerihun GEBEYEHU, September 2023
The Author is an Independent Consultant and Attorney working in different parts of Sub-Saharan
Africa on programmes funded by international organizations as a freelance consultant including
on transitional justice. The Author holds LL.M (International, EU and Comparative Law,Vrije
Universiteit Brussel), M.A(Interdisciplinary Studies in Human Rights, Friedrich-Alexander-
Universität Erlangen-Nürnberg) and LL.B Degree (Addis Ababa University)
The Author can be contacted at nadew2025@gmail.com or nadewz@gmail.com
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Table of Contents
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INTRODUCTION
Regime changes in Sudan are mostly preceded by protests and strikes. In a street protest in Sudan,
a woman in a protest event holds sketches of one of the martyrs of the Sudan protests from early
June 2019. Another woman then follows holding onto a blue paper, a colour reminiscent of the
same martyr., with a handwritten slogan in English and Arabic ‘WE DO NOT GIVE UP OR
SURRENDER! WE EITHER WIN OR DIE!’ ostensibly exhibiting what the Sudan protests costed
in retrospect and the protestors’ steadfastness, in prospect, to sacrifice for the cause to the end
whatever the costs might be.1 As there were protests and regime changes, there were also deaths
and serious bodily injuries inflicted against protestors by Sudanese security forces during protests.
From the time protests began against Omar Al-Bashir’s almost three-decade old regime in
December 2018, the fatalities from protests stood at 200 until August 2019. (ACLED,2020,6)
Despite that, within a year after the demonstrations were started in late 2018, a total of 1,100
demonstration events against the Al-Bashir regime and the Transitional Military Council that
replaced the former were recorded. (ACLED,2020, 5&6) The protests have continued after Al-
Bashir’s removal even into 2020.2 The core demand of the Sudan protests predates the Al-Bashir
regime and it relates to the instalment of an elected civilian rule and full respect of women’s rights
and human rights in general. (Hassen&Kodouda,2019,1-4; Berridge,2015,1-5; Batliwala,2011,1-
3)
Symbolism has a powerful effect upon audiences in conveying messages for different purposes in
a simplified and memorable way. During the protests, the participants or their supporters used
different symbols from music to clothing, gestures, street performances, colours, images,
caricatures, pictures of known personalities and other objects.
This article covers the period from the protests started in December 2018 to 20 August 2019 when
the Transitional Military Council was formalized into a civil-military Sovereign’s Council.
(Physician for Human Rights, Report, March 2020,3) with a very well-known person, Abdella
Hamdock, as the Prime Minister from the civilian component of the Sovereign Council.
(Tossel,2020,1)
Among the symbols used during the protests, the article will focus on the symbolism of two notable
participants of the protests, one alive and the other killed during the sit-in protests in June 2019.
The two personas who are sources of many symbols and symbolisms are Alaa Salah, a 22-year-
old young lady and a 26-yeal old young man, Mohammed Hashim Mattar, respectively.
1 https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=GlvB2Y7Y06o , 1:20-1:23 minutes
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The main reason why the two are selected is mainly as representative of the majority of the
protestors, women, the young and active.3 The average age according to some accounts was from
18-21. (Hassanian,2020,218) Alaa Salah is a young, charismatic woman active from the time the
protests began and went on representing the masses and Sudanese women in particular at the
protests and then beyond the Sudan streets at the UN. She was a Nobel Award Nominee for
2020.4A young graduate from the UK, Mohammed Mattar, was killed when Sudanese security
forces cracked upon the sit-in protests in Khartoum in June 2019 reportedly while trying to protect
women protestors against attacks by security forces.5
This article will investigate how popular the two personas are in symbolism as sources of multiple
symbols and their significance in expressing or representing the movement and advancing the core
demands of the movement. As the Sudan movement has been still ongoing in 2020, this article
covers the period from December 2018 to August 2019 when the Transitional Military Council
under popular pressure and later through external mediations accepted formation of a hybrid
civilian-military ‘Sovereign’s Council’. As a common source in social movement studies, this
writer will, as necessary, use open-source information in this paper. Links of open-source
information being lengthy to fit into the body of the text will be indicated under endnotes unlike
other sources to avoid cluttering the space and to leave more room for analysis.
December 2023
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CHAPTER I
THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK-SYMBOLS AND SYMBOLISM IN
SOCIAL MOVEMENTS
1.1 SYMBOLISM AND SYMBOLS
In social movements, the emergence of the ‘mass’ or collective existence since the French
Revolution called for a ‘collective representation’ of such collective entities in the form of
linguistic, visual and ritual symbols. (Korff,1993,105). Symbolism in literature and arts emerged
in the 19th century and it refers to expressing emotional experiences ‘through the subtle and
suggestive use of highly symbolized language’.6Culture plays a great role in innovating ways of
connecting people and providing contextual meanings to symbolic objects representing or
mobilizing collective action. (Roy,2010,86&87) Culture impacts collective action by providing
the cognitive apparatus consisting of ‘cultural and ideational elements’ and by shaping strategies
of collective action in social movement. (Della Porta&Diani,2006, 73) Photographs of arrests from
the United States Civil Rights Movement still symbolically signify past and current struggles by
the movement against racial discrimination. (Vis et. Al. in McGarry et.al, 2020,255) Hidden in the
use of images or verbal communications may be symbolism reflecting or exposing ‘the structure
of thinking and strategies’ of a social movement. (Doerr and Milman in Della Porta(ed.), 2014,5)
The word ‘symbol’ is often confused with ‘images’ as only one kind of visual image or object such
as pictures or photographs. But in its broader meaning it signifies the symbolism objects including
visual images evoke in a metaphorical representation of a collective action. (Doerr and Milman in
Della Porta(ed.),2014,3) Symbols in the broader sense, as metaphors, in a strong but ambiguous
way express social relationships and situations by allowing people to interpret them making use
of culture, memories, structural situations or contemporary events. (Anne E. Kane,1997,250&251)
Hence, ‘symbols’ as mere objects interchangeably used with ‘images’ should be regarded
differently from the interpretation or meaning they produce in a certain context.
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1.2 SIGNIFICANCE OF SYMBOLISM IN SOCIAL MOVEMENTS
Gene Sharp enumerates various methods of symbolic peaceful opposition or of attempted
persuasion including formal statements, communications with a wider audience, symbolic public
acts, artistic performances, processions, honouring the dead and public assemblies.
(Sharp,2013,25-28) Symbolism is used in social movements for different purposes towards
achieving the goals of a social movement. Protest by itself is a symbolic instrument in showing
the existence of opposition. (Sharp,2013,76) Sign and symbol systems contribute towards
consistency of collective identity by enabling the movement to fit into a visible social reality.
(Korff,1993,106) Symbolic production ‘in reference to experiences, symbols and myths’ as the
foundation of its individuality enables a collective actor to exist although such self-legitimacy
without recognition of its identity by outsiders may lead to marginalization. (Della Porta et al,
2006,106) Social movement selves in postmodern times are ‘continually and reflexively’ formed
as a result of the interplay between its own resources and its interactive achievements of individual
identity.(Broad,2002,331) However, as indicated in the historical background of emergence of
symbols and symbolism, the collective entity precedes symbolism, the latter being a necessity to
express or represent an existing ‘mass’ or ‘collective entity’(Korff,1993,105) Hence, according to
Korff the role of symbolism during its emergence was not constitutive but expressive.(ibid)
Nonetheless, both Korff and other writers do not rule out symbolism could be used as a tool in
both forging and consolidating collective identities. (Ibid, Della Porta, 2006, 109)
Symbols, as simplified ways of communication, appeal to emotions rather than logic in a mass
society where the lower-class may not understand the linguistic behaviour and the political culture.
(Korff,1993,106) It is instrumental in forging collective identities by integrating such
disadvantaged social groups with the rest of the participants. (Ibid, 106&108) Anthropologists
refer to ‘multivocality of symbols’ to mean the same symbol having different meanings for
different people to create a sense of community amongst such different people. (Eriksen
&Nielsen,1993,124) Collective identity as ‘an individual’s cognitive, moral, and emotional
connection with a broader community’ is also expressed through culture including symbolism.
(Polletta and Jasper, 2001, 285) However, in the production of identities, symbols, practices and
rituals are not simply reproduced even where historical, cultural and territorial roots may appeal
to the group. They are rather ‘reappropriated’ to innovatively produce new myths and institutions.
(Swidler and Arditi 1994; Franzosi,2004 n Della Porta et al, 2006, 108) Symbolism is used in
tactical repertoires of social movements both in contestation and in the construction of collective
identity through the use and interpretation of distinctive objects, signs or actions. (Korff,1993,106;
Taylor & Van Dyke in Snow et.al. (ed.),2004,269&270)
In social movements, it is not unusual to use different distinctive objects such as images or rituals
or other objects or actions that generally represent or make the movement visibly stand out among
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other movements or activities. (Hayward & Komarova in MacGarry et. Al. (ed),2020, 70) Social
movements strategically use visual art, literature or cultural activities as ways of communication
or expression to shape opinion of the society and pressurise those in authority. (Taylor & Van
Dyke in Snow et.al. (ed.),2004,263) Visual arts and literature are used in social movements as a
potent way of consolidating commitments and attaining ultimate goals through collective action.
(Roy,2010, 87)
In collective action, symbolism is used through framing to mobilize potential adherents. (Snow
et.al,2004,93; Taylor& Van Dyke in Snow et. Al.(ed.),2004,269) Images or signs are used as
individual frames creatively placed in a certain cultural framework as reaffirmation of traditions
to assume a new symbolic meaning. (Della Porta&Diani,2006,84)
In Brazil, the protestors in 2013 symbolically removed the segregating barriers on the main
avenues, occupied the place called Marginal Pinheiros hitherto left for vehicles and merchandise
signifying occupation of the ‘Marginal’. (Della Porta,2017,67)
1.3 USING PERSONALITIES OR CHARACTERS IN SYMBOLISM
Performance lies at the centre of social movements and legal mobilizations with the performers or
participants playing significant roles at different levels from local to international. (Martinez-
Cola,2018, 180) As any material or object or action, characters of persons or personas are also
used in framing through symbolic representation of such characters or personas. Personas or
characters of known or imaginary persons are used in social movements in different roles as
symbols to send out messages to achieve certain goals or demands. (ibid, 184-195) Master framing
with a multiple social movement player transcending a particular group or event, with ‘meaningful
activities and messaging’ occupies an important role in social movements. (Ibid,181)
In the United States, for both contemporary adherents such as the Ku Klux Klan or those who
stand against their legacy, monuments of known personalities that lived in the 19th century such as
Stonewall Jackson and Robert E. Lee are considered as Confederate symbols associated with the
Confederacy and the accompanying ideology than mere monuments. (Forsell,2020,269-275)
Doerr and Milman discuss how a visual image or portrait representing the person of Mao Zedong
may be treated as a symbol for some or as an icon for others who worship the person. (Della Porta-
ed.,2014,3) Characters such as Martin Luther King and Malcolm X were used in forging identities
by fusing them into stories to augment solidarity and reflect vision as a collective actor. (Della
Porta(ed.)., 2006, 109). Recurrence of landmark events such as the assassination of notable
personalities is transformed into rituals to strengthen collective identities or to exchange messages.
(Ibid,109&110)
For the AIDS campaign, known personalities such as Ryan White and Arthur Ashe were used
since the public could easily relate to in dispelling the wrong association of the disease with
‘sinners, druggies or the sexually promiscuous. (Martinez-Cola,2018, 183) In Israel, photographs
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of mothers with their children were casted in a culturally symbolic role evoking emotions of
‘caring solidarity and love’. (Della Porta(ed), 2014,7)
1.3 TARGET AUDIENCE IN SYMBOLISM
Della Porta and Diani refer to the concept of ‘identity fields’ introduced by Hunt, Benford, and
Snow distinguishing amongst the protagonist, antagonist and audience elements. (Della Porta and
Diani,2006,94; Della Porta,2017,139) Movement identities are created and develop in reference to
the three elements mentioned earlier. (ibid) The antagonist field associated with diagnostic and
prognostic framing involves situation description, enemy identification and prescription of
measures. (Della porta, 2017,139) whereas the protagonist field is associated with motivational
framing involving constructing identities and motivations as stimulating collective action. (Ibid)
As performance and performers lie at the centre of social movements, (Martinez-Cola,2018,178),
identifying a target audience and accentuating messaging to a specific audience plays a vital role
in successfully communicating messages in order to influence the behaviour of a society or section
of a society through inspiring fear and making it retreat, changing its behaviour or attitude or
eliciting a counter-performance. (Blee and McDowell,2012,2&3)
Targeted audiences could be state officials, media, funders or other institutions or persons. (ibid,3)
According to performance theorists, audience is formed through social interactions with the
involvement of different actors. (ibid,4) Performers can construct audiences with meaning and
values within a cultural and evaluative framework as well as influence audiences or reshape their
interpretations. (ibid,5&6) Contrariwise, audiences can influence performers through their
reactions to the performances. (ibid,6)
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Chapter II
ANATOMY OF THE 2018-2019 SUDAN UPRISING AND SYMBOLISM
2.1 ORIGINS AND EVOLUTION OF THE UPRISING
Sudan has experienced coups and protests against successive governments since its independence.
Protests appear as premonitions of an impending regime change in Sudan. (Berry, 2015,36,44,45)
From the government of Ibrahim Abbud in 1964(Berry,2015,34) to Al-Numayri’s in 1985 and
(Berridge,2019,104; Berry,2015,41&308) Omar Al-Bashir’s demise (Berridge,2019,169) there
were protests before the fall of the regimes.
The government of Omar Al-Bashir in its long stay in power has faced various armed and peaceful
oppositions resulting in secession of South Sudan and further marginalizing the peripheries and
disadvantaged sectors of the society. (Berridge,2019,165-167) Since Al-Bashir came to power
through a military coup in 1989, there were many protests against his rule for different reasons
from 1990 (Berry,2015,45) to the most recent protests that are ongoing since late 2018. However,
Al-Bashir at all costs surfed through all the turmoil to remain in power. (Hassen and
Kodouda,2019,89-91)
In December 2018, the protests began as a non-political protest by the economically disadvantaged
societies in the north-eastern peripheries. (Hassen&Kodouda,2019,98) However, the protests soon
spread nationwide and finally reached the hitherto economically privileged fortifications of
Khartoum. (Hassanain,2020,218) Languishing under age-long discriminatory tradition and state-
imposed but religiously-inspired laws, women accounted a sizeable portion or sometimes a
majority among the protests. (Hassen&Kodouda,2019, 99)7
Women were ‘overrepresented’ among the poor and they constituted a large number among the
internally displaced due to civil conflict and were dispossessed of their land to sustain themselves.
7 https://www.bbc.com/news/av/world-africa-47964259 (Video at 0:22-0:24 minutes) accessed December 2023
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(Hassanain,2020, 219) A combination of such factors made the stakes higher to make them more
courageous in the face of danger than their male fellow protestors. (ibid)
According to an active participant in the Sudan protests,8 women constituted around 70% of the
protestors. The Sudan protests are even referred to as ‘Women’s Revolution’. 9 Women were also
the majority among protestors victimised by a deliberate and systematic abuse of security forces
targeting women to break men and subdue the entire movement.10 By forcing women protestors to
strip and video-taping them naked or being raped, the security forces by design set in ‘a ripple-
effect’ of abuse, men divorcing their abused wives out of shame and fathers abusing their daughters
to force them to stay away from protests.11
The protests naturally started as low-profile protests against economic and financial restrictions
by the Al-Bashir regime exacerbating the economic hardships mostly in the peripheral regions of
Sudan. (Berridge,2019,164; ACLED,2020,2) However, the political organizations stepped in to
frame the repertoire of the protests by linking the economic downturn with rampant corruption in
the political leadership of Sudan making it practically impossible for the Al-Bashir regime to
curtail the opposition by reversing its measures. (Hassen and Kodouda,2019,98)
Finally, the protests intensified in a coordinated manner and resulted in the removal of Al-Bashir
from power by the military in April 2019. (Berridge,2019,176) The Transitional Military Council’s
first chairperson, General Awad Ibn Auf, had to quit after one day at the helm as a close ally and
former Vice-President of the Al-Bashir regime. (ibid, Hassen and Kodouda,2019,98) The TMC
ruled Sudan until August 2019 but the protestors stayed in the streets requesting a civilian
government for Sudan amidst the harsh measures by TMC against protestors resulting in killings,
bodily injuries, mass arrests and sexual violence. (Tossel,2020,5) Due to the persistent protests
and external mediations, the TMC while keeping its leadership agreed to form a hybrid military-
civilian ‘Sovereign’s Council’ in August 2019. (Hassen&Kodouda,106)
2.2 SIMPLY SUDAN PROTESTS OR MORE?
Protest is sometimes taken as synonymous to social movements. However, social movements
involve more than mere street protests and require a collective identity ‘strongly associated with
recognition and the creation of connectedness’ (Pizzorno in Della Porta&Diani, 2006, 21)
As the paper deals with symbolism in relation to theories and practices of social movements in
general, it is relevant to discuss if the overall activities staged in opposition to the repressive rule
in Sudan from its causes to the way it is organized and operates qualifies as a social movement.
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Della Porta and Diani describes social movements as having three main distinctive features for
actors involved in collective action, i.e., involvement in conflictual relationship against a clearly
identified adversary, linkage through a dense informal network and actors sharing a common
identity. (Della Porta&Diani,2006,20)
2.2.1 CONFLICTUAL RELATIONSHIP AGAINST CLEARLY IDENTIFIED
ADVERSARY
At the background of the Sudan protests are repressions and discrimination by successive regimes
against the traditionally marginalized geographical areas and sectors of the society mainly women
that haunted Sudan since independence.(Hassen&Kodouda,2019,102) Apart from the economic
marginalization and hardship they undergo along with the society in general, women have been
the most marginalized and discriminated against sector of the society through discriminatory and
religiously-inspired laws imposed by the state since 1983.(Berry,2015,41) After Al-Bashir took
power, he intensified the discriminatory practices started during Numayri’s rule by passing in 1991
the Penal Code and in 1996 the Personal Matters Act and the Public Order Act restricting how
women should be dressed and lowering the age of marriage (,George, Rachel et.al,2019,12) , made
apostasy punishable by death and restricted women from participating in public
life.(Berry,2015,46&47)
Sudan has not yet acceded to the International Convention for the Elimination of All forms of
Discrimination against Women (CEDAW) and women are victims of traditional and state-imposed
discriminatory laws. (George, Rachel et.al,2019,12)
Sudan’s history of conflicts has multiple factors but could be summed up in the state’s legitimacy
crisis and misusing the state for economic exploitation purposes. (Julia Bello-Schünemann,2019,6)
Today’s South Sudan seceded from Sudan in 2011 after decades old armed conflict with Khartoum
for reasons ranging from marginalization and religion to power and resources. (Julia Bello-
Schünemann,2019,6) Even after South Sudan seceded, there was marginalization leading to
conflicts and in the other parts of Sudan such as Darfur, Northern Kordofan and Beja areas. (ibid)
The economic crisis worsened after ‘the decarbonization of Sudan’ South Sudan became
independent. (ACLED,2020,3; Hassen&Kodouda,2019,95-97) The protests that began in 2018
were different in mobilizing the relatively privileged middle class in Sudan. Finally, the successive
repressive rules and economic marginalization pitted the majority of the Sudanese society against
the regime. (ibid) Conflictual relationship against the Sudan regime not only came to gather
momentum but also united the hitherto seemingly balkanized society against the Al-Bashir regime.
(ibid,95-100)
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2.2.2 LINKEAGE THROUGH A DENSE INFORMAL NETWORK
As organizations such as labour unions and civil society played important roles in organizing
protests since the 1960s, the Al-Bashir regime had weakened or prohibited such organizations and
political parties as well as informal ‘neighbourhood popular committees’ instrumental for previous
regime changes.(Hassen and Kodouda,2019, 94&95) After the Al-Bashir regime later relaxed the
prohibitions to organize, associations such as the Sudanese Professionals Association (hereafter
SPA) played an active role in calling protests online. (Ibid,99) The umbrella political organization
Forces of Freedom for Change (FFC) encouraged the populace to organize the informal grassroots
level ‘neighbourhood popular committees’ which Committees later organized smaller local
protests spreading the Al-Bashir security apparatus thin all over the nation.(Ibid,99;
Hassanain,2020,221) There are both formal and informal networks binding the disenchanted
portion of the society in the Sudan protests to express its opposition against the Sudan regime by
linking the economic discontent with a political corruption. (Ibid) Unlike the unsuccessful 2013
protests, it is not a top-down movement (Hassanain,2020,220) as there were neighbourhood level
popular organizations preceded by dissemination of information by civil society after the 2013
protests including on strategies and tactics and coordination. (Tossel,2020,4) Contrary to previous
protests, most of the women protestors were ‘non-politicised’ new and genuine participants, the
attitude of the society as well as the self-image of the women protestors themselves was quite
different. (Hassanian,2020,220) The Sudan Professionals Organization, a non-political
organization organizing and coordinating the nation-wide protests has also played a pivotal role
by supporting of the neighbourhood committees. (ibid)
2.2.3 SHARED COMMON IDENTITY
Polletta and Jasper uphold collective identity need to be integrated with ‘injustice and agency
frames’ to make a clear distinction between who belongs in the group from others. (Polletta and
Jasper, 2001, 292). Collective identities are in turn vital to sustain commitment in participation
through symbolism and particularly ritualized reassertions of such identity. (Ibid) In the years
preceding 2018, vocal oppositions against the Al-Bashir regime as well as its predecessors were
confined to the peripheries such as Darfur. However, such oppositions were localised. After the
December 2018 protestors began showing solidarity12 with the other marginalized areas and the
centre seemed to feel the pain of such marginalized sections of society. (Tossel,2020,5;
Hassanian,2020,218) In addition to the deterioration of the nation’s economy, the latest economic
and financial measures taken by the Al-Bashir regime such as lifting of government subsidies on
basic goods and putting limits on the amount of money to be withdrawn from banks affected all
across the nation including the formerly privileged upper middle class in Khartoum. (Hassen
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&Kodouda,2019,96)) Al-Bashir worked towards dividing most sectors of the society including the
security forces deliberately to stay in power. (Tossel,2020,7) The divided security sector acted in
unison to finally remove Al-Bashir. (Hassen&Koudoda,2019, 100) Earlier when the protests began
and Al-Bashir government began cracking upon protests, the regular army showed sympathy to
the protests by refusing to fire at the protestors. (Tossel,2020,5) Consequently, Al-Bashir had to
bring in his faithful paramilitary unit, the infamous Rapid Special Forces (RSF), notoriously better
known by the populace as Janjeweed which used to deploy only in the peripheries.(ibid; ACLED,
danse macabre, 2020,8) The commonalty of economic discontent and injustice and later the
indiscriminate political repression following the protests through the RSF in a very odd way has
unified the centre with the peripheries when experiencing the brutality that seemingly was the fate
of the neglected peripheries. (ACLED, danse macabre, 2020,8&9) Despite the centre sympathizing
with and voicing solidarity with the peripheries including repeated slogans during protests13 ‘We
are all Darfur’ observers state the participation of the peripheries in the 2018-2019 protests was
significantly lower than in the earlier protests. (Tossel,2020,4&5) However, by showing solidarity
with marginalised societies such as Darfuris, the Sudan movement has prevented the regime from
blaming the prevailing situation in the nation on such societies.14 The regular army clearly sided
with the protestors after the protests began most notably protecting sit-in protestors during the June
3,2019 brutal attacks by other government security forces such as the National Intelligence and
Security Forces.15
Thus, it is safe to conclude the activities of opposition against the regime in Sudan expressed in
different ways since December 2018 are more than mere protests and fulfil the distinctive features
of a social movement as enunciated by Della Porta and Diani hereinabove to be referred to as the
‘Sudan Movement’ hereafter.
2.3 SYMBOLISM IN THE SUDAN PROTESTS
The Sudan movement is replete with symbolism. According to some accounts, Atbara, a town in
one of the peripheries is mentioned as the flashpoint of the nation-wide protests. (Hassen &
Kodouda,98) Similarly, Atbara was the same town that started the protests of the 1980s against
Nymayri’s rule. (Berridge,2015,58) Some writers even try to draw a parallel between the
successful protests of the mid-1980s against Numayri’s regime and the most recent protests against
Al-Bashir since December 2018, Atbara and the immediate cause of the protests relating to price
hikes on basic commodities being the common denominators. (ibid) However, there are other
reports the protests began outside Atbara earlier in Mairno and Ed Damazin. (ACLED,2020,2;
ACLED, danse macabre, 2020,5)
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If the latter is true, the organizers of the national movement may have reframed the facts in order
to mobilize the society by signalling an imminent change in drawing parallelism and symbolism
with the protests in the mid-1980s that ending up by rooting out Numayri’s regime.
The peripheries in Sudan, including the region where Atbara is situated and other regions such as
Darfur, North Kordofan and Nuba are the most restive places in Sudan symbolizing both physical
marginalization and in the margins in the economic, social and political lives of the nation.
(ACLED,2020,2-6; Hassen and Kodouda,94&102; Berridge,2019,164-170)
The best of all symbolisms, in terms of content and performance, was the demonstration and
exercise of civilian rule, gender equality, self-rule, harmony, solidarity and democracy at the sit-
in tents from April 2019 to the June 3,2019 massacres.16 It was an opportunity where there were
many social and political activities where the participants shared a vision of civilian rule.
(Physicians for Human Rights, Report, March 2020,5) The place where the sit-in protests took
place was also symbolic, namely, in front of the National Army Head Quarters. The choice of the
place of the sit-in protests from April 2019 to June 3,2019 is an odd, mixed symbol of both defiance
and solidarity. It was a show of defiance as the Army is a security structure that would be under
normal course of circumstances deployed to forcefully disperse and attack the protests. But the
Army in defiance of the government showed solidarity with the protestors by exceptionally
allowing the protestors to set up tents near its headquarters, clearly siding with and protecting the
protestors against attacks by other government security structures.17
At the Sudan movement that began in December 2018, the protestors or/and their supporters have
used different symbolisms at different times through various objects and actions including signs,
songs, the blue colour, pictures, caricatures and photos of known persons. Among the different
symbols this writer chooses to focus on two symbols in the personas of Alaa Salah and Mohammed
Mattar. Other than the reasons mentioned under the introduction section above, they represent the
active participation in the movement of both sexes though women were the majority.
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2.3.2 ALAA SALAH
Alaa Salah, then an engineering student in Khartoum, was 22 when a musician and journalist, Lana
Haroun, took her pictures at the protests in April 2019.18 Alaa’s mother is a fashion designer
working on the thobe, the traditional Sudanese dress Alaa was wearing when Lana Haroun took
the historical pictures of Alaa singing enthusiastically at the protests.19 There were no pictures
from the Sudan protests as security forces confiscated recording devices and internet connection
was restricted.20 Even without the sensational atmosphere at the scene of protest and Alaa’s
charisma and attires, her pictures were by default destined to give the Sudan movement a face
under such circumstances when her pictures came to mainstream and social media21as well as
street art.22
Alaa is best remembered by her appearance among the protestors in April 2019 standing
courageously on top of a car leading the protestors in the chant for a Revolution in Sudan.23 Her
pictures were beamed across the globe finally going viral and her caricatures and persona attracting
the attention of many and getting the Sudan movement a wider coverage.24 She was later called
‘the woman in white’ and ‘Kandake’, after the ancient Queens of Nubia.25 She was wearing her
traditional white gown and earrings.26 In a society where women are subjected to various state-
imposed restrictions, Alaa’s appearance in a leading role in a protest against the regime was
accepted by the protestors.27 Her moving and still pictures or caricatures were more famous on
mainstream and social media than the protests. Alaa lent her face for the Sudan movement and she
was rightly dubbed ‘the face of the Sudan Protests’. 28
Activist Hind Makki tries to decode the appearance of Alaa Salah in light of historical and cultural
contexts in Sudan on her twitter account Hind Makki@HindMakki.29
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According to Makki, the traditional white gown worn by Alaa was similar to what working mothers
used to wear at work. Makki goes on interpreting Alaa’s apparel and she concludes the way Alaa
was dressed the day the popular video was taken has cultural and religious meaning.30
The white thobe was also interpreted as a sign of equality and comradeship when worn by all from
the commoner to the most affluent across the society participating in the Sudan movement.31
2.3.3 MOHAMMED MATTAR
Mohammed Hashim Mattar graduated from The University of Brunel in engineering before he
came back to Sudan and started participating in the Sudan protests.32 He was killed by the security
forces of the Transitional Military Council during the sit-in protests in front of the National Army
Head Quarters on the 3rd of June 2019.33 He was killed reportedly while protecting two women
protestors from attacks by the security forces on the same day and place.34 A day before he died.
Mohammed Mattar changed his profile on twitter into full blue, his favourite colour. After his
close friend changed his profile picture in memory of Mattar, protestors and supporters in Sudan
and abroad changed their profile pictures and adopted the hashtag #blueforSudan. The hashtag has
been widely used for online activism in support of the Sudan movement ever since. The hashtag
#blueforSudan was instrumental in reaching out to the international community by Sudanese
supporters of the movement and others when internet was shut down after the June 3,2019
massacres, and other gross human rights violations the sit-in protests mainly in Khartoum.
(Physician for Human Rights, Report, March 2020,5)
His pictures were commonplace in online activism and held by street protests during protest
events.35 Commemoration of the martyrs of the Sudan movement including Mattar was used to
pay tribute and further mobilize support for the movement 36 and in street art.37 The blue colour
was used in clothing by protestors and slogans in protest events written in blue papers or blue ink
used often to write slogans. ((((
30
5616&widget=Tweet accessed July 2023
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35 https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=GlvB2Y7Y06o (from 1:10 minutes on video)
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The persona of Mohammed Mattar plays a prominent role in the Sudan movement as a source of
multiple symbols including his sacrifice while defending women protestors38, the blue colour in
clothing and slogans, his pictures in protest events and the #BluforSudan hashtag in online
activism.
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CHAPTER III
ANALYSIS OF SYMBOLISMS OF ALAA SALAH’S AND MOHAMMED
MATTAR’S PERSONAS IN THE SUDAN PROTESTS
3.1 ALAA SALAH’S SYMBOLISM
3.1.1 ALAA’S PERSONA AS A REPRESENTATIVE SYMBOL
In one tweet, an anchor and a senior international correspondent calls Alaa ‘a symbol of the Sudan
Uprising’.39 Other reports call the Sudan movement ‘Women’s Revolution’ which altogether
seems to make the uprising a ‘women’s revolution’ and Alaa a symbol of both the entire ‘Sudan
Uprisings’ and the ‘women’s revolution’. Though it is difficult to trace the exact time when the
Sudan movement started to be dubbed as ‘Women’s Revolution’, Alaa’s visibility has symbolized
a representative show of women’s active, if not leading, role in the Sudan protests.40 Women
comprised more than half the protestors and were physically abused by security forces as attacking
women was considered targeting the men, women being an integral part of the movement.41
Nonetheless, the time most of the reports were referring to the movement as ‘Women’s
Revolution’ comes after Alaa’s videos and pictures were publicised even if it may need further
study to attribute it entirely to Alaa’s images.42Even without mobilizing other fellow women to
join the protests, women’s visibility in the image of Alaa in the protests has an expressive role of
revealing women have their own grievances and demands and they are taking part in the protests
at the forefront.
As Makki stated, the white gown Alaa was wearing on the day she was leading the ‘Thawra’
(Arabic for ‘Revolution’) chants are working women’s traditional clothes in Sudan representing
professional women.43 Symbolism, as discussed above under chapter 1, is expressed through the
medium of cultures and traditions to be acceptable and intelligible to the target audience which is
the Sudanese society in this case including her fellow protestors. In a conservative society with
strict dressing codes imposed by traditions and state laws, Alaa transmitted her messages without
contradicting the traditions and discriminatory Public Order Law of the state in dressing. Messages
39
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should be ideally designed by the sender to appeal to an audience through ‘pre-communication
interaction’ or consistency with the receiver’s pre-existing values and world views. (Roy,2010,
90) Alaa used culture in her dressing despite the fact she and other Sudanese women object to
discriminatory laws and practices the tradition and state laws imposed and they call upon the
government to accede to the Convention to Eradicate all forms of Discrimination against Women
(CEDAW). (Statement by Alaa Salah at the UN Security Council ‘Open Debate on Women, Peace
and Security’, 19 October 2019; George, Rachel,2019,12)
It is difficult to prove the appearance of Alaa or her role at the protests as deliberately designed to
mobilize more women supporters or to address hers and women’s or Sudanese society’s demands
to the government or the international community at large. However, after Lana Haroun took
Alaa’s pictures and videos and they were transmitted on social and mainstream media, it has been
used by others especially supporters of the cause in the outside world to put a human face on the
Sudan movement and to get more attention thereby eliciting more support and sympathy by
internationalizing the movement.44
3.1.2 EXTENT OF POPULARITY OF ALAA’S PERSONA
Alaa’s pictures and caricatures of her picture leading the chant for revolution are very common on
mainstream media, social media and in street art. It is not uncommon to post such images with real
time news reports and analysis of the Sudan protests. Contrarily, Alaa’s images are not common
in protest events in Sudan except the murals and graffiti in the streets depicting her in thobe
streets45 with and without Mattar’s favourite colour, blue, on the background.46 After the internet
shutdown in Sudan47, supporters of the cause of the Sudan movement outside Sudan were active
both online and in street protests and Alaa’s images were used at online campaigns alongside
Mattar’s favourite colour, blue, as the background.48
The Sudan movement began as early as December 2018 and earlier than that in some places.
(ACLED,2020,2; ACLED, danse macabre, 2020,5) But the protests were little known at
international level until Lana Haroun posted Alaa’s pictures online and broadcast on mainstream
media, propelling the Sudan movement through Alaa’s image into worldwide recognition putting
the Sudan movement in the limelight.49 Though Alaa’s images mark a decisive turning point in
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the Sudan movement, the popularity of her person’s representation was more popular in social and
mainstream media in the young upper-middle class and in street art in Khartoum than held in street
protests.50
3.1.3 ALAA SALAH’S PERSONA AS A SYMBOL IN ADVANCING THE CAUSE OF
THE MOVEMENT
After her momentous and symbolic participation in the Sudan protests on the eventful day in April
2019, Alaa was a guest on various media for interviews and in platforms including in events
organized by the United Nations.51 She used the best use of such platforms and events to articulate
and voice the demands of the Sudan movement and Sudanese women’s plight and demands in
particular.52Without her role in the protests, there could have been slim or no chances of using her
image to advance the causes of the movement at the world stage representing the Sudanese
protestors.
At home, her participation at the sit-in protests in April 2019 has inspired many in pushing for the
removal of Al-Bashir.53
Alaa has provided a local historical backdrop and root for the movement inspiring Sudanese
women and others by drawing a parallel with Sudanese women’s longstanding stories in struggling
for change. Her white thobe and performance of leading the protestors in the song for change in
the movement has a striking similarity with Sudanese working women’s old tradition of struggle
for their rights with historical figures such as Mehira Bint Abboud and Rabha Al-Kinana at the
forefront leading the movement against Turkish colonialism54or even earlier during the ‘Mahdi
Revolt’ in the 19th century.55 Moreover, the white Nubian thobe coupled with her nickname,
‘Kindake’(Ancient Nubian Queens) evokes the great history of the Ancient Nubian Queens who
not only actively participated in the political, social and economic lives of the nation but were
accomplished leaders of the nation.56 In referring to the killings and abuse imposed by the
government in the name of religion57 with her own lyrics for the famous song ‘Thawra’(Arabic for
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Revolution) and her clothing, she seems to provoke women to return to the ancient ways of the
Nubian Queens by discarding the misbeliefs justifying the repressions in the name of religion and
culture. Hind Makki interprets the white thobe Alaa wears as a ‘call back’ to the women struggle
from the 1960s to the 1980s58 but falls short of going back to the glorious Nubian Queens of old
times who in turn should have inspired the pioneer women in the 1960s.
Alaa’s choice of symbol in dressing and her leading role at the protests is cast in an appealing way
within Sudanese cultural and historical frameworks. Her traditional cloth and her performance at
the protest events is reminiscent of the foremothers’(both Ancient Nubian Queens and Sudanese
women active since the 1960s) prominent role together with the song ‘none of the repressions are
justified by religion’.59
As the repressive regime and sectors of the society try to find support from religion and culture,
Alaa’s performance has provided a new perspective in culture and religion for the targeted
audience to reinterpret women’s roles in Sudanese culture and religion by tracing Sudanese roots
in culture and religion. (Blee and McDowell,2012,4-6, Della Porta&Diani,2006,84)
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3.2 MOHAMMED MATTAR’S PERSONA SYMBOLISM IN THE SUDAN PROTESTS
3.2.1 MOHAMMED MATTAR’S PERSONA - SYMBOLISM BEFORE AND AFTER
DEATH
Mohammed Mattar was killed on the 3rd of June 2019 by security forces of the regime at the sit-in
protests in front of the Head Quarters of the National Army.60 He dies while protesting for change
or revolution in Sudan. But immediately before he was shot dead by the security forces, he was
protecting women protestors at the sit-in from abuse by the same security forces. 61
His mother related how Mattar’s fondness since he was a child pointing to the sky and a day before
he died a he pointed to the sky while it rained and said ‘how blue is the rain’ which she says that
was what his name ‘Mattar’ meant.62 Mattar’s favourite colour, blue, followed him throughout his
life and was used by supporters of the Sudan Uprising in his memory in online activism after his
death.63
Before his death, Mattar changed his Instagram profile avatar on his account mattar77 into blue
colour and his close friends changed their profile pictures into blue in memory of their friend,
Mattar, with the hashtag #blueformattar.64 Supporters soon followed suit and changed their profile
pictures with the hashtag #BlueForSudan.65
3.2.2 MATTAR’S PERSONA AS A REPRESENTING SYMBOL
In his participation and sacrifice in the Sudan movement, Mattar’s person is a representative
symbol of who the majority of the participants of the Sudan movement are, i.e, young Sudanese
protestors.
Soon after the June 3, 2019 atrocities including Mattar’s death, the internet blackout in Sudan
affected the online activism in Sudan and the Sudanese diaspora took over the online activism with
the #BlueForSudan hashtag, the blue colour and Mattar’s pictures as symbols to inform the
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international community on the extra-judicial killings and the human rights situation in Sudan as
well as the demands of the Sudan movement.66
3.2.3 EXTENT OF POPULARITY OF MATTAR’S PERSONA
Similar to Alaa, the symbols derived from the persona and characters of Mattar are mostly popular
in online activism. The Hashtag #BlueForSudan (Blue for Sudan) has been trending online since
his death.67 and has become synonymous with the Sudan movement in online campaigns
internationally to show solidarity with the protestors in Sudan mostly by supporters and
sympathizers residing overseas.68 The final action of Mattar which caused his death was protecting
his fellow protestors.69 Though participants and sympathizers of the Sudan movement seem only
to follow Mattar’s close friend in changing their profile pictures into full blue,70 Mattar’s character
and the symbols derived from his persona have either coincidentally or deliberately become
symbolism for solidarity71, i.e., solidarity amongst protestors themselves, solidarity of protestors
in memory of and with the martyred, Mattar.72 Symbols and symbolism ,as discussed under
Chapter 1,section 1.2, are instrumental in both forging and strengthening collective identity.
(Korff,1993,106) The widespread use of the blue colour, originating in Mattar’s persona, among
protestors and their supporters in clothing, profile pictures and slogans also symbolizes unity and
consistency in collective action as a cohesive group.73 The blue shade of colour Mattar used as a
profile avatar before his death was referred to as ‘Mattar blue’ to identify among other shades of
blue in adopting the colour.74
During the internet shutdown in Sudan following the fateful day of June 03,2019 when about 100
people were killed including Mattar,75the Sudan movement went on through its supporters outside
Sudan to show solidarity with protestors and to promote awareness on what is going on in Sudan.76
With the hashtag #BlueForSudan and the blue colour, the Sudan movement got further
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international attention, through the participation of known personalities such as Demi Lovato,
model Halima Aden, Rihanna, Naomi Campbell and Ne-Yo.77 Mattar’s image was more popular
on the internet during the internet shutdown in Sudan, an artist drawing murals and graffiti
representing the image of Mattar through his works was trying to bring home Mattar’s popular
symbols in the cyberspace and in the outside world into Sudan.78
3.2.4 MATTAR’S PERSONA IN ADVANCING THE CAUSE OF THE MOVEMENT
As a protestor among the hundreds of thousands or millions of protestors in the streets, Mattar
when alive has participated in voicing the demands of the Sudan movement until his death.
However, with the symbolism deriving from his persona such as the hashtag #blueforSudan, the
blue colour by itself and his image as a martyr sacrificed protecting comrades-in-arms has far-
reaching effects than individual participations in protests.79 The blue colour was used in clothing
and written slogan in street protests and online on profile pictures enhancing visibility and more
awareness about the Sudan movement locally and internationally.80 Murals and graffiti of Mattar
and martyrs other than Mattar with a blue background were used during commemorations for
martyrs to raise awareness among the Sudan community and inspire protestors to carry on.81 After
his death the symbols related to his person were used to continue the struggle online by the Sudan
diaspora in further unifying the movement at home as well as with supporters of the struggle
abroad.82
3.3 AUDIENCE IN THE USE OF SYMBOLISM IN ALAA SALAH AND MOHAMMED
MATTAR
There is no solid evidence in the Sudan movement whether the organizers or the persons who
started using the symbolisms derived from the two persons, Alaa and Mattar, deliberately selected
a certain target audience in communicating messages using the symbols emanating from the two
personas. Neither is there any proof the two personas were deliberately selected as symbols to
serve the purposes of the Sudan movement.
Mostly, the symbols related to Alaa were used in media and online activism for the Sudan
movement. Other than media and online activism, Mattar’s symbolism is being used in street
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protests as well as commemorations of the killing of the martyrs in Sudan and abroad. Both
personas are represented in murals and graffiti within Sudan.83
Alaa was leading the ‘Thawra’ song in front of the Sudanese protestors and possibly security forces
as they were evidently at the place forbidding taking pictures of the protests. She expressed herself
in Arabic and she was dressed as the working, professional mothers without violating the dressing
law imposed. From her dressing to the language, she clearly knew her audience, communicated
her messages through the Sudanese official language and cultural framework.84
The story of Mattar’s death in watching the back of his fellow protestors in the face of a brutal
regime, could be cast as an inspiration for internal solidarity among the protestors and pulling in
by-standers to join the movement and follow Mattar’s suit of standing for others. However, after
the internet blackout a week after the June 3 massacre, Mattar’s symbolism relating to his death
and the blue colour were better utilized by the Sudan diaspora to show the same solidarity with
each other and with the protestors back in Sudan.85
Alaa’s appearance at the protest place, under the prohibition against recording and distributing
pictures by security forces, must be initially meant to inspire protestors present at the same place
and time rather than a remote and wider audience. She is equally remembered for leading the
protestors in the famous revolution song, ‘Thawra’, originally by a Sudanese singer called ‘Mao’86
,with lyrics condemning repression in the name of religion, as her attire and appearance amidst the
protests evoke emotions for an audience that shares the pain she mentions in the song. The physical
limitations at the time, unless Alaa was aware she was being taped for a wider audience, makes
her audience confined to the persons at the same exact place and time than it ultimately reached
graffiti-revolution/ ; accessed December 2023
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CONCLUSION
As discussed in the body of this article, symbolism features across many social movement elements
from collective identity construction and strengthening to mobilization and collective action
including expression of selves, reaching out to potential adherents and communicating demands.
(Snow et.al,2004,94) Alaa Salah’s and Mohammed Mattar’s personas have served many purposes
from the time Alaa’s appearance or brutal killing of Mattar was reported in the various media. It
is obvious the organizers and coordinators of the Sudan movement, both the Sudan Professionals
Association and the political wing, namely, Forces of Freedom and Change, were not involved in
initiating the adoption of the symbols and crafting the symbolisms and possible interpretations
originating from the two personas. However, the movement, with the help of media and supporters
abroad soon picked up the symbols and widely put the symbols into good use by reappropriating
them in a way that fits into the purposes and strategies of the Sudan movement.
The genuine performance of participants of the social movement among each other as a showcase
of the Sudan they aspire to create was both symbolic and a rehearsal of life in a new Sudan which
may have the potential of attracting more adherents based on the genuineness of their intentions
and performances.87 There were times the Sudan Professionals Association itself, the coordinating
apolitical body, and fellow protestors act or behave in a gendered way including at the sit-in
protests. In one instance, women protested against their men counterparts at the sit-in protests.88
The growing fame of Alaa Salah was seen with scepticism by others as an exception being both of
an Arab origin and Moslem lady and her performance not an exception as it has a long tradition in
the history of Sudanese women.89Her glorification was considered an affront to the Sudan
movement when a single lady seemed to reduce to obscurity the contributions of the nameless
millions of Sudanese women and at the expense of the later.90 Nonetheless, symbolisms with
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multiple symbols such as Alaa’s persona has undeniably and in a way that appeals to the culture
and history of Sudan has catapulted the Sudan movement from obscurity to local and international
arenas. Symbolisms derived from Mohammed Mattar’s persona may not be seen as suspiciously
as Alaa’s as there is no possibility of a martyred Mattar actively working to usurp the achievements
of the entire movement for himself. On the other hand, the symbolism of a living person such as
Alaa could be the risk of switching allegiances or involving henceforth in an act or behaving in a
certain way contradictory to public expectations or purposes of the Sudan movement itself.
With regard to the use of the blue colour (later the particular shade of blue was named Mattar blue)
as symbol, the organizers of the Sudan movement or the individual participants could have
provided a cultural or historical frame better than associating the symbol to a single martyr. The
blue colour could be more appealing to potential adherents or sympathizers if approximated to the
Blue Nile which is very close to the day to day lives of many Sudanese or to a religious value as
Sudanese society are mostly homogeneous.
Even though not deliberated upon and adopted as symbols, the personas of Alaa Salah and
Mohammed Mattar have played a great role mainly in promoting the movement and its demands.
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