Page 1

Adolescent Coping

Young people need to cope in a variety of settings, including school,

home, peer groups and the workplace, and with a range of life

problems such as divorce and examinations. This thoroughly revised

and updated new edition of Adolescent Coping presents the latest

research and applications in the field of coping. It highlights the ways

in which coping can be measured and, in particular, details a widely

used adolescent coping instrument.

Topics include the different ways in which girls and boys cope, coping

in the family, how culture and context determine how young people

cope, decisional coping, problem solving and social coping, with a

particular emphasis on practice. Each topic is considered in light of

past and recent research findings and each chapter includes quotations

from young people. While topics such as depression, eating disorders,

self-harm and grief and loss are addressed, there is a substantial focus

on the positive aspects of coping, including an emphasis on resilience

and the achievement of happiness. In addition to the wide-ranging

research findings that are reported, many of the chapters consider

implications and applications of the relevant findings with suggestions

for the development of coping skills and coping skills training.

Adolescent Coping will be of interest to students of psychology, social

work, sociology, education and youth and community work as well as

to an audience of parents, educators and adolescents.

Erica Frydenberg is a clinical, organizational, counselling and educa-

tional psychologist who has practised extensively in the Australian

educational setting before joining the staff of the University of

Melbourne where she is an Associate Professor in psychology in the

Melbourne Graduate School of Education.

Adolescence and Society

Series editor: John C. Coleman

Department of Education, University of Oxford

This series has now been running for over 20 years, and during this time has

published some of the key texts in the field of adolescent studies. The series

has covered a very wide range of subjects, almost all of them being of central

concern to students, researchers and practitioners. A mark of the success of

the series is that a number of books have gone to second and third editions,

illustrating the popularity and reputation of the series.

The primary aim of the series is to make accessible to the widest possible

readership important and topical evidence relating to adolescent development.

Much of this material is published in relatively inaccessible professional

journals, and the objective of the books in this series has been to summarize,

review and place in context current work in the field, so as to interest and

engage both an undergraduate and a professional audience.

The intention of the authors has always been to raise the profile of ado-

lescent studies among professionals and in institutions of higher education. By

publishing relatively short, readable books on topics of current interest to do

with youth and society, the series makes people more aware of the relevance

of the subject of adolescence to a wide range of social concerns.

The books do not put forward any one theoretical viewpoint. The authors

outline the most prominent theories in the field and include a balanced and

critical assessment of each of these. Whilst some of the books may have a

clinical or applied slant, the majority concentrate on normal development.

The readership rests primarily in two major areas: the undergraduate

market, particularly in the fields of psychology, sociology and education; and

the professional training market, with particular emphasis on social work,

clinical and educational psychology, counselling, youth work, nursing and

teacher training.

Also available in this series:

Adolescent Health

Patrick C.L. Heaven

The Adolescent in the Family

Patricia Noller and Victor Callan

Young People's Understanding of Society

Adrian Furnham and Barrie Stacey

Growing up with Unemployment

Anthony H. WineŪeld, Marika

Tiggermann, Helen R. WineŪeld and

Robert D. Goldney

Young People's Leisure and Lifestyles

Leo B. Hendry, Janey Shucksmith,

John G. Love and Anthony Glendinning

Adolescent Gambling

Mark GrifŪths

Youth, AIDS and Sexually Transmitted

Diseases

Susan Moore, Doreen Rosenthal and Anne

Mitchell

Fathers and Adolescents

Shmuel Shulman and Inge Seiffge Krenke

Young People's Involvement in Sport

Edited by John Kremer, Karen Trew and

Shaun Ogle

The Nature of Adolescence (3rd edition)

John C. Coleman and Leo B. Hendry

Identity in Adolescence (3rd edition)

Jane Kroger

Sexuality in Adolescence

Susan Moore and Doreen Rosenthal

Social Networks in Youth and Adolescence

(2nd edition)

John Cotterell

Adolescent Coping

Erica Frydenberg

Adolescent Coping

Advances in Theory, Research

and Practice

Erica Frydenberg

First published 2008 by Routledge

27 Church Road, Hove, East Sussex BN3 2FA

Simultaneously published in the USA and Canada

by Routledge

270 Madison Avenue, New York, NY, 10016

Routledge is an imprint of the Taylor & Francis Group, an Informa

business

Ø 2008 Psychology Press

All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reprinted or

reproduced or utilised in any form or by any electronic, mechanical,

or other means, now known or hereafter invented, including

photocopying and recording, or in any information storage or

retrieval system, without permission in writing from the publishers.

British Library Cataloguing in Publication Data

A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library

Library of Congress Cataloging in Publication Data

Frydenberg, Erica, 1943ą

Adolescent coping : advances in theory, research, and practice /

Erica Frydenberg.

p. cm.

Includes bibliographical references (p.

) and index.

ISBN 978-0-415-40571-3 ą ISBN 978-0-415-40572-0 1. Adjustment

(Psychology) in adolescence. I. Title.

BF724.3.A32F78 2008

155.5Đ1824ądc22

2007044291

ISBN: 978-0-415-40571-3 (hbk)

ISBN: 978-0-415-40572-0 (pbk)

This edition published in the Taylor & Francis e-Library, 2008.

“To purchase your own copy of this or any of Taylor & Francis or Routledge’s

collection of thousands of eBooks please go to www.eBookstore.tandf.co.uk.”

ISBN 0-203-93870-4 Master e-book ISBN

To Oscar and Claudia

May they grow to be wonderful adolescents in the world

that will be theirs and to all the young people who have

contributed their stories

Contents

List of Ūgures

ix

List of tables

x

Preface

xi

Foreword

xiv

Acknowledgements

xvii

1 Adolescent stresses, concerns and resources

1

2 What is coping?

18

3 The measurement of coping

38

4 The correlates of coping: age, personality

and ethnicity

69

5 Gender and coping

88

6 Coping in context: the family

105

7 Coping with separation and adversity

119

8 Anxiety, depression and other related conditions

144

9 Resilience and happiness

175

10 Coping and achievement

198

11 Learning to cope

216

12 Teaching coping skills

243

13 What we have learned and what might follow

274

Notes

284

References

286

Index

324

viii Contents

Figures

2.1 The coping process

33

3.1 Candy and Amy profile

67

5.1 Relationship between strategy and age for females

93

5.2 Relationship between strategy and age for males

93

5.3 Relationship between age and coping for females

96

5.4 Relationship between age and coping for males

96

5.5 Lainie and Jason profile

101

5.6 Kim and Wayne profile

102

7.1 The process by which change occurred in the

BOC programme

136

11.1 Decision-making coping patterns that involve

combinations of low and high activity, according

to the deliberation-resolution model

229

12.1 Coping profile for `Kathy'

255

12.2 Coping profile for `Wayne'

258

12.3 Coping profile for `Richard'

259

12.4 Coping profile for `Jodie'

261

Tables

3.1 Adolescent coping inventories

41ą45

3.2 The conceptual areas of coping identified by the ACS

50

3.3 Summary of validity studies using the ACS

55ą57

5.1 Means and standard deviations of coping strategies

across three ages

94

7.1 Outline of the Seasons for Growth programme

124

7.2 Types of support for adolescents who experience

parental separation

130

8.1 Identifying depression

149ą150

11.1 The five decision types emerging from the Fischhoff,

Furby, Quadrel and Richardson (1991) study

223

11.2 Questions to ask oneself during the decision-making

process

228

12.1 An overview of the BOC programme

248

12.2 Best of coping studies

249ą251

12.3 Adolescent coping intervention programmes

268ą269

Preface

Coping is the way we can describe the best features of human adap-

tation ą and the worst. Adolescence is an important transition point

which enables us to reflect on what has been learned and what is yet

to be learned about developing the skills to cope. It is a significant and

extensive stage of development within which there are opportunities

for us to understand and foster young people's coping skills. Some

modes of adaptation are linked to one's temperament or personality

disposition; others are learned throughout the course of one's life.

Today information about almost everything is readily available.

When it comes to coping, one of the most highly published areas in

psychology, there is a mine of information. I recently performed a

Google search on adolescent coping and got 55 frames. All results

were teaching about coping, such as how to cope with a disaster, a

transition, a death, the loss of a pet, examinations, talking in front of

a crowd or performing music. All full of good sense, some of it

common sense and some of it just good reminders. So why develop

programmes, why do research for 15 years on the topic and keep

doing it? There is still a great deal for us to learn about young people

and their worlds. And when it comes to measurement and inter-

ventions we want to rely on sound, empirical data on what works and

what does not.

In the international no. 1 best seller The tipping point: How little

things can make a big difference, Malcolm Gladwell explains the

`tipping point', that magic moment when ideas, trends and social

behaviours cross the threshold, tip, and spread like wildfire. Taking a

look behind the surface of many familiar occurrences in our everyday

world, he explains the fascinating social dynamics that cause rapid

change. He espouses principles such as the contagion effect: we can

have the contagion of depression and despair or the contagion of

optimism, resilience, well-being or happiness ą and why not coping?

Gladwell also points out that small beginnings can have big effects

and that change happens not gradually but at one dramatic moment.

He provides substantial evidence to support his case. While it is

difficult, if not impossible, to predict the tipping point for recovery

from the despair and depression that hits many young people, it is

good to aim for it. That is why we need the `tipping point' and it is my

hope that in some way this book will contribute towards that point so

that when we talk about coping the positive aspects of human

adaptation will outweigh the focus on pathology. More specifically,

we can talk about the positive aspects of coping and how we can all

learn to do it a little better.

Stress and coping have arguably been the most vigorously

researched areas in the field of psychology in the past two decades.

In the psychology literature (PsycINFO) alone there have been 46,605

references to stress and coping between 1982 and 1992, 102,221 in the

following decade and 136,437 in the most recent five-year period. This

has been matched by increasingly frequent references in the education

literature (ERIC) (11,401 between 1982 and 1992, 7969 between 1992

and 2002 and 3748 between 2002 and 2007).

When there is so much written about coping, the question has to be

asked: why another book? More importantly, what has changed since

1997 in the field of adolescent coping? While the 1997 book drew

heavily on the seminal work of Folkman and Lazarus and our own

work on coping, this volume seeks to integrate a broader sweep of

concepts that not only relate to reactive coping but also bring together

the latest research in the proactive coping field; there are also the

concepts of communal coping and conservation of resources. Since

the 18 conceptual areas of coping identified in the 1990s by

Frydenberg and Lewis remain useful for both research and practice,

they provide a source of data for a vast body of research that has

taken place since the earlier edition.

Additionally, topics like happiness, both the pursuit and the

maintenance of it, now receive a great deal of attention, so a chapter

is dedicated to happiness and resilience. Factors that often account

for lack of happiness, such as boredom and loneliness, are also

addressed. While youth suicide has reached a plateau or diminished in

some quarters, depression has not, so a section has been devoted to

depression and related conditions such as eating disorders and

substance abuse. Since 1997 there has been a great deal of progress in

the area of social and emotional learning, and this is reflected in the

chapter on learning to cope. There has been an explosion of pro-

grammes attempting to teach a range of coping-related skills, but few

xii Preface

have been well evaluated. Some of these are tabulated but our

emphasis remains on the programme the Best of Coping, which we

developed and which has been well thought of for several years.

Adolescent coping: Advances in theory, measurement and practice

has been written to complement the 1997 edition. It sets out to cover a

broad field that orients the reader in relation to theory, research and

practice. The book provides a conceptual and developmental frame-

work for understanding coping and attempts to cover the vast field

that has been researched and reported on since 1997. In addition to

the research reported in the international literature we report on

research carried out at the University of Melbourne in the coping

skills laboratory by me and my numerous colleagues and students. In

particular, I would like to acknowledge my colleague Ramon Lewis,

who was my collaborator in the development of the Adolescent

Coping Scale and the numerous research publications that have

followed. He, more than anyone else, has contributed to the theor-

etical insights and understandings that have advanced this field.

While the book has a sequence of chapters, we have also attempted

to make each chapter a useful resource in its own right, so inevitably

there is some overlap between chapters. For example, the chapter on

emotions and coping contains information that relates to family and

education. Family-related issues feature in many of the studies cited in

different chapters. Risk-taking and resilience are as relevant when one

talks about cultural difference in coping as they are in their own right.

Gender differences in coping are addressed particularly in chapter 5,

but throughout the volume there are many references to gender

differences as deemed appropriate. Teaching coping skills is addressed

particularly in chapters 11 and 12. However, where there are ready

implications for practice in other chapters, this is addressed.

Finally, the purpose of this book is to share the plethora of research

that relates to coping and well-being and provide a template for how

we can manage our lives to do better than just cope. We can all do

what we do better. Each of us can enhance our coping and maximize

the outcomes in terms of health, well-being and success. It's a matter

of having a language or conceptual framework within which we can

talk about coping and benefit from the latest research in the field. We

need the language to describe the thoughts, feelings and actions in

order to be able to learn about what helps us to cope better and what

stops us from doing that.

Preface xiii

Foreword

An integrated understanding of adolescent coping in their

new world

Psychology is often presented in fractured pieces that divide cognitive

psychology, the study of emotion, brain and behavior, environmental

approaches, and applied psychology. This is of course necessary, as

the pieces are each complex and deserve in-depth study. Yet, this

fracturing leaves so many key issues to fall between the slats, and it

can even feel alienating as different perspectives become codified into

opposing positions and camps. It is paramount that integration is

accomplished, as it is the final arbiter of the value of research from the

perspective of these different research and clinical streams. For

adolescent coping, no book integrates these facets better than Erica

Frydenberg's, Adolescent Coping: Advances in Theory, Research, and

Practice. Through reports of her own creative research, integration of

complex, disparate literatures, and a special sense for turning these to

applications that can be easily accessed, this book has no peer. It is at

once, complex, deep, heartfelt, and made simple for the reader at

professional-practitioner, academic-research, or student levels.

Dr. Frydenberg approaches adolescents in a way that we sometimes

do in humor, as we refer to teenagers, especially our own, as coming

from ``their own world,'' ``another planet,'' ``a different culture or

species.'' That is, she involves her research and her presentation on

how adolescents cope as one would approach the issue of another

culture. We have long studied and considered adolescents as ``not

quite adults,'' or ``older children.'' But, they do live in and create their

own culture. They have their own music, their own way of talking,

their own issues that are important to them, and most certain

opposition to authority and being over-directed. They also assume a

power that children do not have and an independence that adults

must lose in order to fit in to work and family life. They must be

taken seriously, as the problems they create for themselves are

potentially life-threatening to them and those around them. Drugs,

violence, suicide, self-harm, eating disorders are all serious concerns

with clinical and social implications that reverberate through society.

Their development is the final stage setting for the adult self, so styles

of coping and dealing with stress will have lifetime impact on their

depression, happiness, family life, and the roles they play in society.

In her recent work, Dr. Frydenberg and her research group have

approached adolescents from this rather anthropological perspective.

She has created instruments and interventions in their own words

and from their personal prisms on how they view the world and

the challenges they face. This is the product of careful, creative quali-

tative research that accompanies her hard-nosed empiricism. In this

manner, her group's qualitative research has informed their quanti-

tative research in a see-saw approach that has built to a greater, more

meaningful gestalt. This approach also makes the volume much more

international than most work coming out of the great U.S. research

engine. Beginning in Oz (what they call Australia), she has applied her

approaches across cultures as diverse as Germany, the U.S., Columbia,

Hong Kong, and Palestine. She has studied the coping of youth who

must cope with merely growing up in the world of a developed

economy, to those who are dealing with daily violence and the painful

likely birth of a new nation amidst war and civil unrest. At the same

time she bridges all aspects of adolescents' lives from sleep, to social

life, to their spirituality. Even her studies within Australia have a

cultural context, as she examines how ethnic minority adolescents use

more collectivist coping strategies than Anglo-Australian teens. Ado-

lescents immigrate with their parents, face wars created and perpetu-

ated by adults, and exist in schools and institutions run with a chronic

shortage of funds by a world that hollowly declares that ``children are

our future and our most important asset.'' Dr. Frydenberg follows

them through their journey and so adds greatly to our understanding

that adolescents are not only coping with issues of popularity and

recreational drug use, but with the major challenges that a world that is

economically, politically, socially, and militarily complex entails. The

book will help readers appreciate age, gender, and cultural differences

in creative ways that the volume does an excellent job in answering with

assessment, prevention and intervention approaches.

An important companion to this volume are the questionnaires and

skill building approaches that Dr. Frydenberg has developed, tested

and refined. I hope you also consider her DVDs that can be used

Foreword xv

interactively with adolescents to help them develop healthy coping

strategies. In this regard, the volume takes the issue of coping as a

skill set seriously. It is not merely a series of suggestions about how

to behave, but a complex skill set that requires modeling, cognitive

processing, practice, feedback and gaining mastery. These allow the

volume to be a handbook for practice as well as a guide through key

research in the field. Practitioners will know the solid research foun-

dation behind the prevention and intervention approaches that are

covered in the volume and researchers will gain insights into how to

conduct sound research that can aid practitioners.

Finally, the volume masterfully bridges from more pathological

models of adolescent coping to prevent or recover from depression,

anxiety, relationship problems, drugs, and other common adolescent

disorders and newer work on positive psychology. In this vein, the

volume addresses the importance of coping to facilitate positive

adjustment, happiness, and quality of life. Again, as in other areas of

the book, the focus is on integration of multiple perspectives to create

a greater, more meaningful whole. Keep this book handy, have all

those post-it notes in multiple colors ready to demark places that you

will want to go back to repeatedly, get out the color highlighter to

underline quotes for seminars that make key points that you want to

emphasize for research or intervention work. And don't lend it to any

graduate students ą you won't get it back.

Stevan E. Hobfoll

Distinguished Professor

Kent State University and Summa Health System

xvi Foreword

Acknowledgements

Adolescent coping: Advances in theory, research and practice is based

on the research and contribution of numerous people over the past 15

years. First, the many young people who have contributed to our

understanding of their worlds, their hopes, aspirations and practices. I

owe thanks to my colleague and co-researcher, Ramon Lewis, whose

scholarship and positive outlook have contributed throughout all

these years to the development of theory in the field of coping. To the

many postgraduate students at the University of Melbourne who have

contributed through their own research and who are acknowledged

for their contributions throughout this book, I am truly appreciative.

They have undertaken their investigations with enthusiasm and rigour

and in turn have inspired me to continue researching this most

rewarding field. Cathy Brandon who made the Best of Coping what it

is today and the numerous researchers who have evaluated it in

various settings. The invaluable assistance of Clare Ivens who assisted

with research and helped bring Coping for Success to completion

together with the team from the multimedia unit at the University of

Melbourne. Chelsea Eacott provided research and compilation

assistance in the final stages. The skilful editing of Venetia Somerset

has helped to make this book look and read as it should. My

appreciation to Professors Susan Moore, Sandra Christenson, Luc

Goosens, and to the series editor John Coleman, for their helpful

comments. The editors at Routledge, particularly Tara Stebnicky and

Dawn Harris have been a pleasure to work with. The University of

Melbourne has provided me with the fertile academic environment

where research and writing are made possible. Above all, to my

husband, Harry and our two children, Joshua and Lexi, whose

wisdom and good humour, along with their inspiration and support,

make me truly fortunate, I am most grateful.

1 Adolescent stresses, concerns

and resources

Life is what worries me the most. As you grow up and get older

you worry about what is going to happen next and you worry

about what you are going to achieve and that and what your

future is going to be like.

(Girl, 13)

With over 1.2 billion adolescents in the world today (United Nations

Population Fund, n.d.), more than ever there is good reason to focus

on their needs, concerns and endeavour to create climates that can

foster their healthy development and functioning. Along with the

increasing population of adolescents there has been a growing interest

in the field of coping. A search of two online databases for 2000ą07,

PsycINFO and Educational Resources Information Centre (ERIC),

reveals at least 24,500 related publications. Thus there is fertile

ground for research and a wealth of information that should inform

our practice.

Adolescence is that period between childhood and adulthood which

can itself be divided into developmental stages. Regardless of develop-

mental stage, adolescents are set to face changes of both a physiological

and psychological nature, often with movement towards independence

and explorations of identity. Early adolescence is marked by a number

of changes, including rapid cognitive, social, emotional and physical

changes involving maturation. There are transitions in school life, peer

and family relationships and a likely increase in conflicts within the

family, characteristically with parents. These conflicts mark the early

and middle adolescent years and are generally superseded in late

adolescence when parentąchild relationships become more settled. The

later adolescent years are generally marked by a greater interest in peer

relationships and the striving to achieve goals and milestones that

determine the directions for an adult future.

Although extensions of adolescent social networks and growing

sexual maturation bring opportunities for growth, they also heighten

the likelihood of risk. While there is extensive debate in the literature

as to whether adolescence is a period of storm and stress or a period

of relatively smooth transition into adulthood, there is general agree-

ment that adolescents have a number of adjustment hurdles. These are

reflected in the range of issues that are of concern to young people.

Adolescents have many concerns that in extreme circumstances are

perceived as both overwhelming and disabling, leading in a minority

of cases to severe depression and suicide. Youth who choose death do

so because they cannot cope at a time when they are vulnerable to

increasing pressures and uncertainties.

Young people today report more psychological problems than ever

before. It is estimated that between 2 and 5 per cent of young people

experience an anxiety or depressive disorder. A significantly greater

number of young people will experience depression by the time they

reach adulthood, with estimates approaching 20 per cent (AIHW,

2003). Depression in adolescence leads to such difficulties as impaired

school performance and compromised social relationships with peers,

siblings and teachers (Birmaher et al., 1996).

Stress research has for a long time focused on incapacity rather

than ability. While it is important to determine what stresses young

people, how they cope is about looking at capacity and the potential

to enhance growth.

Adolescent stresses

Young people face a multitude of ongoing stressful problems including

relationship difficulties, illness or death of family and friends, family

pressures and the expectations placed on them for academic success.

These life stressors have been shown to contribute to an increased risk

of emotional, cognitive and behavioural difficulties in adolescents such

as depression, behavioural problems in and outside school, various

anxiety disorders and academic failure.

In this chapter we consider the concerns and stresses of young

people as well as the resources they have with which to cope. In

subsequent chapters particular circumstances such as family stresses,

schooling and relationship difficulties will be considered in the light of

research on coping.

We know from earlier work (Frydenberg and Lewis, 1996) that

essentially there are three categories of concerns for young people:

those things that relate to achievement, that is, success at school or

2 Adolescent coping

opportunities for future success; peer and family relationships; and

social issues such as the environment, poverty and unemployment, and

concern for those who are worse off than themselves. Others have

reported similar findings with variations according to age and the

cultural setting. In their study of Australian and Finnish adolescents,

Nurmi, Poole and Kalakoski (1994) found that older adolescents were

more oriented to the future than younger ones, and that Australians

adolescents were more interested than their Finnish counterparts in

leisure and more concerned about their health and global issues.

Overall, these 13ą17-year-olds most often mentioned hopes and goals

concerning future occupation (77 per cent), education (65 per cent),

family/marriage (58 per cent), leisure activities (42 per cent), and

property-related topics (39 per cent). These findings are summarized by

the authors as representing the fact that adolescents' concerns reflected

the developmental tasks of their own age and of early adulthood.

These findings are also endorsed by a study in the United States of 333

tenth and eleventh graders in Los Angeles where the stresses in highest

frequency reflected future goals (de Anda, Baroni, Boskin, Buchwald,

Morgan, Ow, Gold and Weiss, 2000).

These stresses and strains vary according to the context in which the

questioning or data-gathering takes place and according to cultural

considerations. For example, when considering what prompts a young

person to call a teen-helpline for assistance, a signal of a high degree of

concern, an American study found that the issues of greatest concern

were peer relationships (40 per cent), sexuality (26.6 per cent), family

problems (18.8 per cent), the need just to talk (14.0 per cent), self-

esteem (11.3 per cent), and drugs and alcohol (9.9 per cent) (Boehm,

Schondel et al., 1998).

A complex set of external and internal stresses is part of the adolescent

experience. Fortunately, very few adolescent worries are so overwhelm-

ing that they lead to suicide. Nevertheless, all adolescent concerns are

worthy of consideration. When youth are unable to cope effectively with

worries, their behaviour can have an adverse effect not only on their own

lives but also on those of their families and on the functioning of the

broader community. The community, therefore, has cause to concern

itself with what worries the young, and to facilitate the development of

sound coping strategies that they can use to deal with their worries.

What is stress?

There are multiple views of what stress is, mainly drawn from the

adult arena. In 1932 Cannon was the first to apply the concept of

Adolescent stresses, concerns and resources 3

stress to humans. The term is generally borrowed from physics, which

compares humans to metals that can resist moderate outside forces

but get weighed down or bent under extreme pressure. However, this

model does not entirely fit since we know that humans respond to

their environment according to their personality, perceptions, or the

context in which the stress occurs.

Stresses can be viewed according to the nature of the stimulus, such

as an acute, time-limited stress, for example sitting for a final exam or

dealing with a difficult relationship; stressor sequences such as parent

divorce, bereavement or loss of a relative or a pet; chronic intermit-

tent stress such as completing assignments for school; and a chronic

stressor such as an ongoing illness. They can also be viewed according

to the situation in which they occur, such as the home or school or in

community settings (for a comprehensive treatment of school-related

stressors see Burnett and Fanshawe, 1996). Another way of con-

sidering stresses is to see whether they represent daily hassles, such as

a quarrel with a friend, normative stresses such as dealing with bodily

changes during puberty, chronic stresses such as dealing with a

permanent physical disability, or traumatic stresses such as a divorce

in the family.

Regardless of how one categorizes stress, the homeostatic-

transactional view of stress generally credited to Richard Lazarus

(1991) regards it as occurring when there is an imbalance between the

demands of the environment and the perceived resources of the

individual. The imbalance may be underload as much as overload.

Underload means circumstances that can be construed as leading to

boredom, which is a major stress for adolescents when they do not

have something to do or there are too few demands made on them.

Resources remain useful if they are seen as having value and as having

provided previous benefits. Resources such as optimism or social

support, if seen as beneficial or helpful, will be retained. Some people

are so rich in coping resources or considered to be hardy that they do

not notice the environmental demands. There are no units of com-

parison to equate the coping demands with the available resources.

The closest we come to it is the Holmes and Rahe (1967) stress index

which identifies stresses and their relative impact.

Resource theories of stress

A more recent model of stress is the Conservation of Resources model

(COR: Hobfoll, 1998). This model posits that people seek to retain

and protect what they value and to accumulate resources. What is

4 Adolescent coping

perceived as threatening is the actual loss of the valued resources. The

fact that people actively strive to create pleasure and success is well

known in psychology; for example, Sigmund Freud and Abraham

Maslow were early proponents of these theories. Thus, according to

COR theory, the psychological definition of stress is that it occurs

when there is a threat to the net loss of resources, or there is a lack of

resource gain following investment of resources. COR theory is based

on a single motivational tenet, that individuals actively strive to

obtain, retain and protect what they value, that is, gain social and

personal resources as tools to achieve goals in order to maximize

coping capacity and limit psychological distress.

Thus stress will occur when resources are threatened or lost and

when there is no adequate resupply of resources after resources have

been used up (the lost resources might have been concrete or intan-

gible such as an investment of effort). Chronic stressful situations chip

away at our resources.

Furthermore, according to COR theory resources are defined as

objects, for example possessions which are valued for their physical

nature but can be associated with socioeconomic status or status in

general; personal characteristics, such as the capacity to see things as

predictable and happening in one's best interest, being optimistic or

mastery-oriented; conditions such as having a friend or receiving an

award; or what is described as energy resources such as networks,

power, money, time, knowledge and so on, that allow you to obtain

other resources. People strive to develop a resource surplus to offset

the possibility of future loss. Resource surpluses are likely to be

associated with eustress (positive well-being) rather than distress. Self-

protection is about trying to protect against resource loss. We invest

time and energy and love and affection in the expectation of the

return of the same. Power and money are important resources that

allow us to accumulate other resources.

The concept of loss

Gain is important but is secondary to loss ą most severe stress events

are loss events. Hobfoll's theory provides a challenge to Lazarus'

definition that stress occurs when the demands tax or exceed a person's

resources. He says that stress only occurs when there is resource loss.

Loss is central to any concept of stress. For example, when a relative or

just a friendship has been lost, the loss can be of support, status in the

peer group, or economic stability. Items in the Holmes Rahe stress

index which are about loss have the highest weighting. The most severe

Adolescent stresses, concerns and resources 5

events are loss events, such as loss of health, friendship, freedom,

money or personal possessions. Loss events are most commonly

associated with depression. Transitions are also seen as stressful but

that could be because of a perceived loss rather than the perception of

gain. There may be a perception that the demands of a new situation

can exceed the resources. To offset resource loss there may be resource

replacement, for example making new friendships. The stress of doing

badly in school or missing out on being selected for a team can be

interpreted as threats.

Employing resources for coping is also stressful. When the effort

put into a situation outstrips the benefits, it is felt as stressful. For

example, when giving others support or helping a parent makes a

student late for school, or working hard doesn't allow one to achieve

one's goals, it can be stressful. Coping is itself stressful, for example

having to put in time or effort or having to test beliefs about oneself

just to cope. If coping is unsuccessful, positive beliefs about self are

likely to be diminished.

Shifting the focus of attention

One can conserve resources by reinterpreting threat as a challenge.

Athletes or performers often do this when they evaluate a difficult

situation as an opportunity to demonstrate capacity. There can also

be a re-evaluation of resources. Hobfoll considers that one can lower

the value placed on something. For example, after failure to do well in

an examination it is possible to rationalize or re-evaluate the event as

not being important in the first place. Values and developmental

history relating to those events that have shaped one's thinking affect

how one re-evaluates the situation. That is, previous successes in

school can build up confidence while previous failures may have led to

a defeatist attitude.

Expectation to gain resources

When people are not under threat they are motivated to gain

resources and to build up the resource pool. Marriages or important

relationships in the adolescent arena can be seen as an investment in

one's future or strengthening the assets (resources) in terms of getting

love, affection, security and so on. It can also be described as building

up credits or assets. Where the relationship with friends has been

nurtured and remains a good one, it can be said that there is less of a

consequence if one makes an omission or mistake, such as forgetting

6 Adolescent coping

to acknowledge a birthday. Resources have both an objective and a

subjective component.

Loss and gain spirals

When resources are used to offset resource loss then the resource pool

may be further diminished, making the individual more vulnerable to

stress. What might have been able to be tolerated becomes unmanage-

able for a weakened individual, so there is a resource loss spiral and

such spirals tend to increase in velocity. For example, if one is feeling

down because of bereavement, it may be that one's energies or atten-

tion to work are suffering, so there might be a loss of temper, leading

to a loss of esteem or confidence.

In contrast, `gains often beget gains'. That is, a win in a sporting

event might result in new team opportunities and further recognition,

leading to a boost in esteem and confidence. When esteem is high

there might be a greater risk-taking in school or relationships that

results in better outcomes or a good return for one's investment.

Resource loss is disproportionately weighted to resource gain. Thus

to prevent loss or to build resources there needs to be an investment

of resources. Having resources such as money, friends or esteem

contributes to further resource gain, and lack of such resources con-

tributes to resource loss. Individuals who have resources in the form

of groups as a support are in a better position to resist the negative

effects of meeting everyday challenges. Those who are less empowered

may be more vulnerable to resource loss. For example, to follow the

success at school example, if there had been good results on many

occasions there is likely to be a capacity to accept a lesser perform-

ance on a single occasion.

Other stress theories are reactive, but according to COR theory

people assert themselves proactively. People do not wait for disaster

to strike; they invest in resources, take out insurance, thereby pur-

chasing future protection. Gain is important to the extent that it

prevents future loss and it provides comfort, which can be a buffer

against stress. For example, the purchase of a better computer or

surfboard might help one to do better in an assignment or a surfing

competition.

Principles of COR theory

1

Resource loss is more powerful than resource gain and the

gradient for loss is steeper than that for gain.

Adolescent stresses, concerns and resources 7

2

In order to gain resources and prevent loss one must invest in

other resources; those with greater resources are less vulnerable to

resource loss and more capable of resource gain.

3

Those who lack resources are not only more vulnerable to

resource loss, but that initial loss begets further loss.

4

Those who possess resources are not only more capable of gain,

but that gain begets gain.

5

Those who lack resources are likely to apply a defensive position

to guard their resources.

6

Those with weak resources use their resources best when chal-

lenged by everyday events but are least successful under high

stress conditions.

7

Those with a weak resource pool are in contrast to those with rich

resource reserves.

Some key resources which are malleable and have broad application:

· high self-esteem

· optimism

· higher socioeconomic status

· good problem-solving skills.

Hobfoll (1998) describes a collection of resources as being `a caravan

of resources' which represents the interconnection between resources

as well as the additive qualities of the resource pool. There is con-

siderable support for this conceptualization. For example, in a recent

cross-sectional study of United States adolescents, those young people

whose parents were more educated, who had a more optimistic out-

look on life and who used more engaging or positive coping experi-

enced less stress (Finkelstein, Kubzansky, Capitman and Goodman,

2007). In an extension of Hobfoll's work to the world of adolescents,

McKenzie, Frydenberg and Poole (2004) have identified a range of

resources that are relevant to adolescents.

A sample of 172 students consisting of 97 females and 75 males, aged

from 11 to 18 years, attending three schools in metropolitan

Melbourne, Australia, completed a modified version of the Conser-

vation of Resources Evaluation (Hobfoll, 1988). The modified instru-

ment evaluated the importance adolescents placed on a range of

resources, and the degree to which they believed they were provided

with these resources. The scale measuring students' evaluation of the

importance of the resource was scored on a 3-point scale, from 3

8 Adolescent coping

`always', 2 `sometimes' to 1 `never'. The item means ranged from 2.14

to 2.88 with an overall mean of 2.53.

The highest-scoring items were: Having friends (mean 2.88, 90 per

cent always), Being close with at least one friend (2.78, 82 per cent

always), Parent support (2.77, 78 per cent always), Adequate home

(2.77, 82 per cent always), Adequate food (2.69, 76 per cent always),

Being able to speak up for yourself (2.68, 71 per cent always), and

Stable family (2.67, 70 per cent always). The lowest mean was for

Belonging to organized groups (2.14, 34 per cent always).

The resources which are of value to young people included, in order

of importance:

· having friends

· being close with at least one friend

· having an adequate home

· having support from parents

· having adequate food

· being able to speak up for myself

· having a stable family life

· feeling independent

· having money for one's needs

· having a sense of humour.

On the whole, students indicated that the resources in the inventory

were at least of some importance to them, and in particular they

valued friends, family, and adequacy in the basics (home, food), and

their own skill in being able to present their needs.

What concerns adolescents

The worst thing I have had to deal with was when my mum had a

stroke. She has had a couple of strokes and the last time, I was

the only one home. I didn't deal with it well. I was a mess. It took

me a long time to recover. I had to be there for her and so I just

tried to be strong because if I wasn't then she would break down.

. . . I learned that life is short. Make the most of it. Take every

opportunity that you get and don't waste your time on things that

are just trivial matters. You may think at the time that they are of

some importance to you, but look at them in the bigger scheme

and you realise that they are just not that important to you. Take

life seriously but also have fun ą that's my theory! . . . Out of

something bad, something good can happen because you can

Adolescent stresses, concerns and resources 9

learn from your past experiences. It makes you stronger and a

better person.

(Girl, 16)

The many attempts to determine what concerns adolescents indicate

that young people are interested in a range of issues relating to

appearance, school grades, employment, relationships, fear of nuclear

war, the environment and so on. Concern about vocational and edu-

cational plans appear the most dominant in some investigations while

matters of personal health also appear to be important to many

young people. But, as with the 16-year-old girl above, circumstances

may arise which are totally unpredictable.

The methods of assessing the concerns of adolescents, or modes of

questioning, range from eliciting unprompted, spontaneously given

descriptions of whatever comes to mind as a concern to the more

common approach where a respondent's reaction is sought to each of

a limited number of concerns. In most studies of young people's

concerns, a single mode of investigation has been used. Investigations

have generally shown that adolescent concerns vary according to the

context of the questioning (school, home, etc.), mode of questioning,

and the different groups of respondents involved.

Classificatory schemas have been developed to identify concerns.

These aim to condense a large range of concerns into a smaller

number of relatively homogeneous categories. Some have found that

social relationships, personal development and career skills are central

to any typology of adolescent concerns, while others have developed a

four-factor model of adolescent concerns which consist of future and

career, health and drugs, the personal self and the social self (Violato

and Holden, 1988). We have found that a classificatory system which

groups adolescent concerns into three major categories, namely

achievement, relationships and social issues, has stood the test of

time. Succeeding in school, finding employment or just looking to the

future are reflected in the achievement category.

To be happy. To build a happy family.

(Girl, 15)

To have a career that you like and enjoy.

(Girl, 15)

To be the best musician I can be. To make as much money as

possible.

(Boy, 16)

10 Adolescent coping

Relationships, both peer and family, follow as the next two most

prominent concerns, followed by social concerns such as those

relating to the environment, poverty and world peace .

Girls of my age have to deal with boys . . . probably relationships.

A lot of girls our age start to really like boys, and they get into

relationships, have fights. . . . Some even lose friends over it

because they like the guy so much that they choose the guy over

their friends and then having fights with their friends. It's not

usually good.

(Girl, 15)

The whole process of puberty. We worry about pimples and stuff.

We worry about sports and stuff ą that's boys. And about

impressing girls!

(Boy, 15)

I am worried about global warming and the future of our planet.

(Girl, 17)

Another way of conceptualizing concerns is to consider them in

different contexts, such as the home, school and the community as well

as the overarching context of the self. Therefore there are concerns

about school (doing well in an English class, teasing by classmates). In

the home situation it can be about who watches what on television

(rights and opportunities compared to siblings). In the community it

can be about difficulties in getting about or being mobile, dealing with

bullying in the wider community context, such as cyber-bullying, or

about the self (appearance, career choices). These stresses are often

referred to as daily hassles.

For example, in an Australian study of 1083 young people, Moulds

(2003) found that the daily hassles could be categorized according to

the locations in which they occurred. Seventeen per cent of young

people had concerns in relation to issues about the self, such as

stammering or the shape of their nose, 73 per cent in relation to

school, including peers, teasing by others and canteen queues, and 11

per cent in relation to the family such as bedtime arguments and

teasing by siblings. The most frequently reported hassles for young

people emanated from their school experience.

Cultural contrasts are prominent. In one cross-cultural study by

Verhulst, Achebach and colleagues (2003) of 7137 11ą18-year-olds

from seven countries (Australia, China, Israel, Jamaica, the Nether-

Adolescent stresses, concerns and resources 11

lands, Turkey and the United States), youths from China and Jamaica

had the highest and Israeli and Turkish adolescents had the lowest

mean total problem scores. In a survey of 2103 Hong Kong ado-

lescents, Hui (2000) also found that, while concerns are multidimen-

sional, academic concerns are the most pressing.

In a cross-cultural study of college students in China and the United

States (Li, Lin, Bray and Kehle, 2005) it was affirmed that the main

areas of stress were primarily related to academic, personal and

negative life events. While the majority of Chinese students (74 per

cent) exhibited low stress, for 8 per cent of these students there was a

high degree of stress related to attending university. These levels of

stress are similar for the American students, but the rank ordering is

different in that the top academic stressors for Chinese university

students were low learning efficiency and competition among students,

whereas the top academic stressors for American students were to do

with examinations. When it came to personal hassles, what concerned

the Chinese students was that they were not being taught or educated

properly and were not taught adequate social skills, whereas the main

personal stressor for the American students was that associated with

intimate relationships and parental conflicts. Some of these cultural

differences remain over generations. This has been demonstrated by a

study of second-generation Chinese American and European American

adolescents, where the former reported higher levels of everyday life

events stress and more depression than did the latter group of

American young people.

A study of Canadian and Indian students by Sinha, Willson and

Watson (2000) reported a reverse finding in that the Indian students

reported less stress than the Canadians. A more detailed cross-national

study of Russian and American students (Jose, D'Anna, Cafasso,

Bryant, Chicker, Gein and Zhezmer, 1998) found, for example, that

American adolescents between 10 and 15 years saw the following

problems as being of greater concern than did the Russian adolescents:

· having misplaced something

· being bored and not having enough fun things to do

· arguing with brother or sister

· being rushed or not being able to take it easy

· schoolwork being boring

· going to bed too early or too late

· not being able to see grandparents or relatives because they live

too far away

· weighing too much or too little

12 Adolescent coping

· gangs in the school or in the neighbourhood

· being picked on for nationality or skin colour.

In contrast, the Russian students were more concerned than the

American young people about the following:

· when someone in the family was sick

· when they did something foolish or embarrassing in front of

others

· not being with mother or father as much as they wanted

· mothers or fathers telling them about their problems

· going to the doctor or dentist or taking medicine

· someone in the family being very angry or crying a lot

· thinking about war

· too many people living in one's house or apartment

· having to translate for family members

· not having enough food to eat.

Overall, the Russian students reported higher levels of everyday life

event stress than did the American students. The authors argue that

these differences are most likely because the Russian experience for

young people was affected by a weak economy, a chaotic political

situation at the time and a changing social structure. Nevertheless, the

list highlights the qualitatively different concerns that young people in

different communities experience.

Stressors rarely occur in isolation, but there is generally a pile-up or

accumulation of stressors. Girls generally report more traumatic life

events as well as more stress due to these events across all ages

(Plunkett, Radmacher and Moll-Phanara, 2000).

Thus, while there are differences in where the questioning is taking

place (for example in a school setting there are more likely to be

school-related concerns reported), there is a range of hassles which for

some may be just a concern and for others a major hassle. The

spontaneous eliciting of concerns from young people has not resulted

in a reporting of issues relating to body image or evaluation by one's

peers, but these issues are included here since there is evidence that

these are of major concern, at least for girls.

Body image and weight concerns

Dissatisfaction with one's body has been recognized as a pervasive

social problem, more so for girls than for boys. Appearance plays an

Adolescent stresses, concerns and resources 13

important part in self-esteem and body weight is one important con-

tributor to a sense of satisfaction with appearance. Current body

ideals in most Western communities promote slimness for females and

muscularity for males (Grogan, 1999). Dissatisfaction is so pervasive

that it is considered by some to be a part of normal behaviour. Its

genesis precedes the adolescent years and is considered to become

prevalent in the pre-adolescent years, and as early as 6 or 7 years of

age. Peer and media influences are considered to be the vehicles by

which social ideals are determined (Dohnt and Tiggemann, 2006). The

development of body image is culturally bound: for boys it is about

being active and functional while for girls it is about being aesthetic

and decorative.

Social evaluative concerns

Generally females place a greater emphasis on the maintenance of

harmonious relationships and demonstrate more concern about social

evaluation (Cross and Madson, 1997). That is, relationships appear to

be more central to females than they are to males. Thus the psycho-

logical investment in relationships as a way of defining oneself has a

cost associated with it and is often reflected in heightened levels of

depression among females compared to those reported by males.

Females are more likely to worry and distress themselves about sig-

nificant others. Thus there is a psychological cost to caring. Females

also worry about the judgements of peers.

While there are clear costs to caring, there are also benefits in that it

is these very concerns that lead to investment in relationships, and

generally there is a return for effort. There is effort in fostering har-

monious relationships and rewards for refraining from actions that

may jeopardize relationships. There are benefits in the form of support

satisfaction that can be achieved through healthy relationships. Girls

display higher levels of social evaluative concerns and depression than

do boys (Rudolph and Conley, 2005). Additionally, those who had

good interpersonal competence were less likely to be depressed.

Both gender and age make a difference to adolescent concerns. In a

Scottish study that surveyed two cohorts of 15-year-olds in 1987 and

1999 on personal and performance worries, most worries increased for

both sexes, with girls worrying more about school performance. West

and Sweeting (2003) suggest that girls may have higher levels of stress

regarding school performance due to their attempts at meeting expec-

tations, along with the traditional concern for the age group relating to

issues of identity, which include questions like `who am I?' and `where

14 Adolescent coping

am I going?' Ethnicity also makes a difference. For example, in another

study of Australian adolescents, Collins and Harvey (2001) found that

female adolescents from non-Anglo cultures reported more concerns

about their identity than their Anglo-Australian peers. In particular,

the former expressed more concern about finding a job, working out

their attitudes towards religion and fitting into Australian society.

Not only are adolescent girls more concerned about most things than

boys, but girls also report experiencing more stressful events and they

are more affected by stressful events than are boys (Compas, Phares

and Ledoux, 1989). These authors cite a study where young people's

concerns were considered across a number of problem modalities:

family stresses, peer stresses, academic stresses, intimacy stresses and

network stresses. The most consistent finding was that network stresses

(stresses that affect others in one's social network without directly

influencing the individual, for example friends having emotional prob-

lems) were experienced more by girls than boys and that these stresses

were associated with psychological symptoms. Not only is there a

general trend for female adolescents to report a greater number of

stressful events than males but they may also be struggling with differ-

ent types of stresses.

While rural adolescents were found to employ much the same

coping strategies as adolescents in other settings, the things that

remained challenging for one group of Australian rural adolescents

interviewed by Bourke (2002) was their dealing with authority and

interpersonal relationships.

Adolescence is a period of development and change. There are intra-

personal changes such as cognitive development, maturation and

emotional development and interpersonal changes such as negotiating

relationships with peers and family and adapting to school changes.

There is a growing importance of peer relationships as adolescence is

traversed. Adolescent stressors fall into three categories: achievement-

related concerns, relationship concerns and social issues. Whilst

relationship-related concerns are important for adolescents, they are

also concerned about getting on in the world and about issues relating

to the world in general. There is a clear relationship between long-term

stress and negative health outcomes.

As noted earlier there are cultural differences in adolescent con-

cerns. For example: Chinese adolescents report the highest problem

score, with academic concerns the most pressing. Daily hassles of

Australian adolescents were predominantly school related with a

focus on peer problems and teasing. There were differences across

collectivist vs individualistic cultures on types of adolescent concerns.

Adolescent stresses, concerns and resources 15

Girls tend to report more traumatic life events and stress than boys;

they also deal with different types of stresses. Issues of major concern

for girls are body image and related self-esteem, and social-evaluation

concerns.

Regardless of how we classify or categorize concerns, they do exist in

some measure at some time for all young people. Providing a focus on

resource-building and maintenance is likely to help enable manage-

ment of stresses. Given that individuals actively strive to gain resources

in order to achieve their goals and to limit their distress. This is likely

to protect against stress.

As detailed on page 5, resources consist of tangible objects, per-

sonal characteristics, energy which enables the acquisition of other

resources, and conditions in which individuals find themselves or

places him or herself in.

Social support, which is a key element in coping, is not only a

resource but is seen as facilitating the protection of other resources

(such as helping one feel confident that one can cope) or conversely

detracting from resources by making an individual reliant on others

and thus diminishing confidence in their own capacities to cope.

Those who are mastery-oriented (see themselves as having personal

control) use social support effectively and they also develop more

effective support systems. An important part of building the resource

pool is the investment in building up a sound repertoire of coping.

A basic human motivation is to obtain, retain and protect resources.

Individuals strive to limit resource loss and maximize resource gain.

Because resource loss is more potent than resource gain, loss pre-

vention strategies are particularly important in the coping process.

Coping and adaptation require investment of resources, so those who

lack resources are vulnerable to initial loss and subsequent loss. In

contrast, those with a strong resource pool are likely to achieve more

gains. We need to build individuals' resource reserves by creating

environments that validate the individual.

Summary

When it comes to managing stress the transactional model of stress

proposed by Richard Lazarus is generally accepted. It identifies stress

as occurring when there are demands on an individual which exceed

his or her perceived resources. According to the Conservation of

Resources theory of stress proposed by Stevan Hobfoll, chronic stress

depletes the resource pool. Stress occurs as a result of resource loss or

the threat of loss. The principles of COR theory are outlined. While

16 Adolescent coping

COR theory has generally been applied to adult populations, there

have been developments and modifications of this theory that apply

to the world of adolescents, whose most important resources have

been identified as having friends, being close with at least one friend,

parent support, adequate home, adequate food, being able to speak

up for oneself, having a stable family, feeling independent, having

money for one's needs, and having a sense of humour. Ultimately

these are the commodities valued by young people, as both meeting

their basic needs and enabling them to go beyond survival.

Adolescent stresses, concerns and resources 17

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