Page 1

Technology Transfer to the USSR.

1928-1937 and 1966-1975

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Technology Transfer to the USSR,

1928-1937 and 1966-1975:

The Role of Westem Technology

in Soviet Economic Development

George D. Holliday

This analysis of the basic Soviet orientation

to the international economy in general, and to

Western technology in particular, examines the So*

viet experience in borrowing technology from the

West during two periods, 1928-1937 and 1966-1975.

It includes case studies of three major projects in

the Soviet automotive industry.

Or. Holliday studies the methods used by the

Soviet Union to acquire foreign technology and eval-

uates the impact of Soviet attitudes, policies, artd

economic institutions on the technology transfer

process. The evidence he presents--a new Soviet

economic growth strategy that places emphasis on

technological change, new attitudes among Soviet

political leaders, and new institutional develop-

ments--suggests that Soviet policy is undergoing a

gradual but definitive change away from the isola-

tionist approach of the Stalinist period toward a

policy of greater technological interdependence with

the West.

George D. Holliday is an analyst in interQa~

tiona! trade and finance with the Congressional

Research Service, Library of Congress.

Technology Transfer to the USSR.

1928-1937 and 1966-1975:

The Role of Western Technology

in Soviet Economic Development

George D. Holliday

First published 1979 by Westview Press

Published 2019 by Routledge

52 Vanderbilt Avenue, New York, NY 10017

2 Park Square, Milton Park, Abingdon, Oxon OX14 4RN

Routledge is an imprint of the Taylor & Francis Group, an informa business

Copyright © 1979 Taylor & Francis

All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reprinted or reproduced or utilised in any

form or by any electronic, mechanical, or other means, now known or hereafter invented,

including photocopying and recording, or in any information storage or retrieval system,

without permission in writing from the publishers.

Notice:

Product or corporate names may be trademarks or registered trademarks, and are used only

for identification and explanation without intent to infringe.

Library of Congress Catalog Card Number: 79-4138

ISBN 13: 978-0-367-28953-9 (hbk)

Contents

List of Tables

Acknowledgments

1. INTRODUCTION

Purpose • • • •

Scope and Limitations

Methodology • • • • • •

Organization of Study

2. THE INTERNATIONAL TRANSFER OF TECHNOLOGY:

ix

xi

1

2

5

5

7

A GENERAL DISCUSSION • • • • • • • • . •

10

Definition of Terms • • • • • • • • . • •

10

Technology Transfer and Economic Theory

13

Mechanisms of Technology Transfer

19

The Technology Transfer Process • • •

23

3. THE ROLE OF WESTERN TECHNOLOGY IN THE

STALINIST AND POST-STALINIST ECONOMIC

SYSTEMS • • • • . •

43

43

4.

Quantitative Data • • • • • . •

The Stalinist Model of Economic

Development • • • • • • • • •

The Post-Stalinist Model

EVOLUTION OF SOVIET ATTITUDES AND

INSTITUTIONS . • . . • • • •

vii

50

58

72

Attitudes of Soviet Policy Makers

Evolution of Soviet Institutional

Arrangements . • • . • • . • • •

5. WESTERN TECHNOLOGY TRANSFER TO THE

SOVIET AUTOMOTIVE INDUSTRY: THE

72

80

GORKI! AUTOMOBILE PLANT • • . • • . • •

114

Initial Planning and Purchase of

Technology for GAZ • • • • • . •

Absorption of Western Technology

for GAZ • • • • • • • • • • •

6. WESTERN TECHNOLOGY TRANSFER TO THE

SOVIET AUTOMOTIVE INDUSTRY: THE

VOLGA AUTOMOBILE PLANT AND THE KAMA

RIVER TRUCK PLANT • • • • • • • • .

7.

The Legacy of the Stalinist Economic

Growth Strategy • • • • • • • • • • •

The Volga Automobile Plant

The Kama River Truck Plant

CONCLUSIONS

The Role of Western Technology in

Soviet Economic Development • • •

The Impact of Soviet Attitudes and

Institutions on the Technology

Transfer Process • • • • • • • •

Basic Soviet Orientation to the

International Economy •

APPENDIXES

BIBLIOGRAPHY

viii

116

122

137

137

141

154

171

172

175

181

186

197

Tables

2.1 The Technology Transfer Process • • •

24

2.2 Effectiveness of Technology Transfer

According to Industry and Transfer

Mechanism • . • • • • • •

30

3.1 Soviet Imports of Machinery and Equipment,

. 1921/22-1937 • • • • • • • • • •

45

3.2 Soviet Imports of Western Machinery and

Transport Equipment, 1955-1975 • • • •

46

3.3 Concessions and Technical Assistance

Agreements in Effect, 1925-1937 • •

47

3.4 Numbers of Foreigners Visiting the U.S.S.R.

and of Soviet Citizens Traveling Abroad,

1971-1975 • • • • • • • • • • • • • • •

49

3.5 U.S.S.R.: Average Annual Rates of Growth

of Total GNP Production, Factor Inputs,

and Factor Productivity, 1951-75

60

3.6 U.S.S.R.: Hard Currency Trade Deficit

65

ix

Acknowledgments

I wish to acknowledge the assistance of

Dr. Charles F. Elliott and Dr. John P. Hardt. Their

guidance, encouragement and gentle prodding contri-

buted greatly to the completion of this research.

The Institute for Sino-Soviet Studies and the

Graduate Program in Science, Technology, and Public

Policy of the George Washington University gave

valuable financial assistance.

The final manuscript reflects the diligent

and expert typing assistance of Mary Helen Holliday

Seal.

I owe a special debt of gratitude to my wife,

Marsha, for her moral and intellectual support, for

her professional assistance in library matters and

for her forbearance. My daughter Lara, who at a

very early age learned the importance of silence

for scholarly research, also made an important

contribution.

xi

Technology Transfer to the USSR.

1928-1937 and 1966-1975

1. Introduction

From the mid-1960s to the mid-1970s the Soviet

Union experienced a rapid increase in the scale of

its commercial relations with the industrial West.

An important component of these relations was the

transfer of modern industrial technologies from the

West to the Soviet Union. The Soviet experience

during this period contrasts with a much lower level

of commercial exchanges during the preceding three

decades, but is reminiscent of Soviet-Western com-

mercial relations during the First Five-Year Plan

(1928-1932). During the First Five-Year Plan, as

during the 1960s and 1970s, Soviet industry was the

recipient of large-scale transfers of Western tech-

nologies which were critical to Soviet industrial

development plans. The resurgence of Soviet commer-

cial relations with the West has generated consider-

able interest in Soviet policy making in this realm.

Western firms are studying this phenomenom in an

effort to determine if the Soviet Union is a profit-

able market for their products. Western governments

are interested not only in the prospective economic

benefits, but also in the political and national

security implications of wider commercial ties to

the Soviet Union.

Questions involving technology transfer command

a more general interest in the world today. This

interest has been sparked largely by a new awareness

of the central role of technology in economic growth.

The "technology gap" between advanced industrial

countries and the developing countries is widely

perceived to be a major cause of the uneven distri-

bution of world production. The borrowing of tech-

nology from the more technologically advanced coun-

tries appears to be a key to economic development.

Technology transfer is also becoming an increasingly

important component of trade relations among the

1

advanced industrial nations. While Western~soviet

technological relations are in some ways unique,

they appear to be largely an element of the world's

growing technological interdependence.

PURPOSE

The purpose of this study is to examine the

Soviet experience in borrowing technology from the

West during two periods, 1928-1937 and 1966-1975.

Specifically, this study analyzes the methods used

by the Soviet Union to acquire foreign technology

and evaluates the impact of Soviet attitudes, poli-

cies, and economic institutions on the technology

transfer process. Central to the purpose of this

study is an analysis of the basic Soviet orientation

to the international economy in general and to West-

ern technology in particular. A survey of the West-

ern and Soviet literature on the subject reveals

three basic hypotheses about the expansion of Soviet

commercial and technological ties to the West since

the mid-1960s.l The first hypothesis stresses the

Soviet quest for autarky or economic self-sufficiency

in its commercial relations with the West:

HYPOTHESIS I: The recent upsurge in Soviet

trade with the West is part of a cyclical

pattern that is observable in the past, most

recently during the First Five-Year Plan.

Economic historians have pointed to similar

periods in pre-Revolutionary Russia, such as

the era of Peter the Great and 1890s and early

1900s. Soviet economic planners follow a strat-

egy of importing as much Western technology as

they need to modernize the economy and then

cutting off or cutting back to a minimum econo-

mic ties with the West. Thus, they pursue a

deliberate policy of autarky or economic self-

sufficiency, interrupted by occasional exped-

ient resorts to borrowing foreign technology

in order to catch up with the West.2

The second hypothesis accepts this characterization

for pre-World War II Soviet policy, but maintains

that the basic Soviet orientation to the inter-

national economy has changed:

HYPOTHESIS II: Soviet leaders have a funda-

mentally different orientation to the inter-

national economy today. Autarky or self-

2

sufficiency was the goal of Soviet foreign

economic policy during the 1930s (and during

certain Tsarist periods). However, the current

leadership has rejected this strategy in favor

of a policy of technological interdependence

or "interrelatedness" with the West. The new

policy portends continued and deeper commercial

and technological ties with the West.3

A third hypothesis, propounded by many Soviet observ-

ers and by some Western scholars, rejects both ex-

planations. Its proponents maintain that a reduc-

tion of Soviet trade with the West in the 1930s was

necessitated by the need to protect the Soviet econ-

omy from hostile Western governments and by economic

factors beyond the control of Soviet policy makers.

They stress the continuity in the Soviet Government's

policy of promoting trade with the West:

HYPOTHESIS III: The Soviet Union pursued a

goal of economic and technological independence

in the pre-War period in order to protect it-

self against a "hostile capitalist encircle-

ment." It has not followed a policy of autarky,

but has consistently encouraged trade with all

countries. Commercial relations with the West

were poor in the 1930s and in the early post-

War period because of trade restrictions and

other hostile actions by Western governments

and capitalist companies and bankers. Trade

relations also worsened because of the inter-

national economic situation. The recent up-

surge in Soviet trade with the West is explained

by a repudiation by current Western governments

of their old policies.4

In this study, the validity of the three hypotheses

as explanations of Soviet foreign economic policy is

tested.

To put the central question of the basic Soviet

orientation to the international economy into per-

spective two related questions are examined. First,

how does the Soviet experience as a recipient of

foreign technology compare with the experiences of

other countries? Second, what has been the role of

Western technology in Soviet economic development?

(A variation of the second question is: How depend-

ent is the Soviet Union on Western technology as a

source for technological change?) The answer to the

first question details what is unique and what is

commonplace in the Soviet approach and highlights

3

the impact of uniquely Soviet attitudes and institu-

tions on the technology transfer process. The answer

to the second question sheds light on the motivations

of Soviet foreign economic policy and provides a

basis for discussing the prospects for future Soviet

commercial relations with the West.

A curious feature of Soviet technology borrowing

is that many of the basic conditions (as identified

in the Western literature) for successful technology

transfers do not appear to be in place. For example,

the movement of people across international bound-

aries is generally regarded as crucial to the effec-

tiveness of international technology transfers. Yet,

Soviet authorities have discouraged the free move-

ment of people into and out of the Soviet Union.

The official attitude toward foreigners visiting the

Soviet Union has varied from outright hostility to

suspicious tolerance. Likewise, while foreign direct

investment has been a major mechanism for technology

transfer to most countries, foreign ownership of the

means of production in the Soviet Union is forbidden

by Soviet law. Furthermore, Western export controls,

restrictions on credit, and various other official

barriers at times have complicated the transfer of

technology to the Soviet Union.

In view of such barriers to technology transfer,

has Western technology made a major contribution to

Soviet industrial development? Western scholars

tend to credit Soviet industry with achieving a con-

siderable level of technology sophistication largely

by importing Western technology. Abram Bergson, for

example, finds that "in transforming its production

methods under the five-year plans, the U.S.S.R. has

been able to borrow technology from abroad on an

extraordinary scale."S A more extreme version of

this viewpoint is expressed by Antony Sutton in his

studies of the earlier period of Soviet technology

borrowing: " ••• without assistance from capitalist

countries, the Soviet Union would not have had the

technical resources to make any economic progress

in the 1930s and 1940s."6 Sutton's thesis is in

direct contradiction to the views generally expressed

by contemporary Soviet observers. For example,

v. I. Kasianenko maintains that "concessions and

agreements for technical assistance did not play an

important role in Soviet industrial development."?

Has the Soviet Union succeeded in absorbing

Western technology on a large scale? If so, how was

this accomplished in view of the absence of key fac-

tors generally believed to facilitate technology

transfer? A central purpose of this study is to

attempt an answer to this apparent paradox.

4

SCOPE AND LIMITATIONS

The focus of this research is on Soviet foreign

economic policy. Consequently, it concentrates on

attitudes toward foreign economic relations and meth-

ods of borrowing technology, rather than on techno-

logical developments in the Soviet automotive indus-

try. The latter is discussed in order to illustrate

the extent of Soviet technology borrowing, Soviet

ability to absorb Western technology and Soviet

ability to generate indigenous technological inno-

vation. However, the emphasis is on the technology

transfer process and not on Soviet automotive engi-

neering.

Moreover, the focus on Soviet policy precludes

an exhaustive inquiry into the marketing strategies

of Western firms vis-a-vis the Soviet market or

Western government policy issues surrounding the

transfer of technology to the Soviet Union. Although

the conclusions clearly have implications for Western

corporate and government policy issues, a thorough

examination of such issues is outside the realm of

the study. Thus, for example, while Western export

controls on high technology exports to the Soviet

Union are identified as part of the international

economic environment in which Soviet decision makers

operate, no attempt is made to weigh the costs and

benefits of such policies.

The research is also limited chronologically.

The periods 1928-1937 and 1966-1975 were selected

because they are periods of intensive technology

borrowing from the West, uninterrupted by war or

revolution. Other technology transfers, such as the

occasional passive imports of technology during the

interim period, receive only peripheral attention.

METHODOLOGY

A case study of the Soviet automotive industry

provides the basis for analyzing Soviet mechanisms

for borrowing foreign technology. An attempt is

made to identify the kinds of automotive technology

imported from the West and to describe the institu-

tions involved in the technology transfer process.

The Soviet leadership's rationale for importing

technology and the industry's effectiveness in absorb-

ing foreign technology are examined. The case study

is used to illustrate overall Soviet policies and

techniques related to technology transfer.

The Soviet automotive industry was selected as a

5

case study because it has beenone of the high-priority

areas of Soviet technology borrowing and provides

examples of technology transfer in the two periods

of intensive Soviet interest in Western technology.

The case study concentrates on three major projects

in the Soviet automotive industry: the Gorkii Auto-

mobile Plant (built with the assistance of Ford Motor

Company in the late 1920s and early 1930s); the Volga

Automobile Plant (built with the primary assistance

of the Italian firm FIAT in the late 1960s); and the

Kama River Truck Plant (built during the 1970s with

assistance from a number of Western firms).

Additional case studies of Western technology

transfer to other sectors of the Soviet economy would

be a useful means of testing the conclusions of this

study. One of the advantages of the case study

approach is that it allows a close examination of

the specialized, technical literature related to a

single branch of industry. In the Soviet Union,

technical writers frequently have been more candid

and outspoken than social scientists and policy

makers about Soviet industrial developments. Much

of the Soviet technical and specialized literature

has not been adequately explored by Western students

of the Soviet system. Thus, case studies in other

sectors of the economy may provide additional insights

into the Soviet experience as a technology borrower.

An overview of the general literature on tech-

nology and technology transfer provides a conceptual

framework for analyzing Western technology transfers

to the Soviet Union. The extensive literature on

this subject has not provided general, widely accept-

ed theoretical models of technology transfer which

might assist in analyzing Western technology transfer

to the Soviet Union. However, it does provide a

clearer understanding of the role of technology in

economic growth as well as some insights into inter-

national movements of technology. In addition,

descriptive studies of technology transfers in

various parts of the world have highlighted many of

the practical problems involved and the prerequisites

for making such transfers effective. This study

attempts to put the Soviet experience as a technology

borrower into perspective by relating it to our

general understanding of technology and the techno-

logy transfer process. In other words, Western tech-

nology transfer to the Soviet Union is viewed as a

part of the general phenomenon of international tech-

nology transfer.

6

ORGANIZATION OF STUDY

The broad parameters of international technology

transfer and Western technology transfer to the

Soviet Union are discussed in Chapters 2, 3, and 4.

Together, these chapters are intended to provide

perspective to the central themes of this study.

They are followed in Chapters 5 and 6 by a case

study, which offers more specific and concrete evi-

dence, against which the general propositions are

tested. In Chapter 7, the major conclusions of the

case study are summarized and related to the main

questions of the study.

The general discussion of technology transfer

begins with a definition of terms and a brief sur-

vey of the major theoretical contributions on tech-

nology and economic growth and technology and trade.

This is followed by a description of the mechanisms

of technology transfer and an analysis of the empiri-

cal or "wisdom literature" on the technology transfer

process. The problems and issues involved in tech~

nology transfers in various parts of. the world are

described in order to provide a basis for comparing

the Soviet experience.

Chapters 3 and 4 provide general evidence to

test the major propositions of the study. First,

Chapter 3 provides, where possible, quantitative

data to illustrate the trends in Soviet technology

borrowing. The quantitative data are followed by a

discussion of the Stalinist and post-Stalinist

models for economic development, with an emphasis

on the role of technology. In Chapter 4, two sec-

tions, describing the evolution of elite attitudes

and institutional arrangements related to Western

technology imports, conclude the general analysis

of the Soviet Union's economic and technological

ties with the West.

In the case study, comprising Chapters 5 and 6,

Western technology transfers to the Soviet automo-

tive industry are examined in detail. Chapter 5

concentrates on the construction of the Gorkii Auto-

mobile Plant during the First Five-Year Plan, and

Chapter 6, on the major automotive projects of the

1966-1975 period--the Volga Automobile Plant and

the Kama River Truck Plant. The case study includes

a more detailed discussion of Soviet techniques and

motivations for borrowing foreign technology and

provides evidence of elements of change and conti-

nuity in Soviet foreign economic relations.

In Chapter 7, the conclusions, the results of

the case study are summarized, and evidence is

7

presented with regard to: (1) the basic Soviet

orientation to the international economy; (2) the

contribution of Western technology to Soviet indus-

trial development; and (3) the unique and common

features of Soviet techniques for importing foreign

technology.

NOTES

1. To some extent, all of the hypotheses are

oversimplified and represent composits of the views

of many different observers. No attempt is made here

to identify any of.the hypothesis with a single per-

son. However, several works are cited in which views

are expressed which are related, in part, to the

hypotheses.

2. Alexander Gerschenkron, Economic Backwardness

in Historical Perspective (New York: Frederick A.

Praeger, 1965), pp. 17-18. See also the discussion

of Communist autarky in Alan A. Brown and Egan

Neuberger, eds., International Trade and Central

Planning:

An analys1s of Econom1c Interact1ons

(Berkeley: University of California Press, 1968),

passim.

3. Glen Alden Smith, Soviet Forei§n Trade:

Organization, Operations and Policy, 1 18-1971 (New

York: Praeger Publishers, 1973), pp. 284-286;

J. Wilczynski, The Multinationals and East-West

Relations: Towards Transideolo ical Collaboration

Boulder, Co ora o: Westv1ew Press,

7 , pp. 191-

195; Herbert s. Levin~ et al., Transfer of u.s.

Technology to the Sovie~on: Impact on u.s.

Commercial Interests· (Stanford Research Institute

SRI Project 3543, February 1976), pp. 36-50.

4. A. Frumkin, "0 nekotorykh burzhuaznykh

vzgliadakh na sovetskuiu torgovliu," Vneshniaia

torgovlia, October, 1974, p. 49; Iu. N. Kapel1nskii,

Tor ovlia SSSR s ka italisticheskimi stranami osle

vtoro1 m1rovo1 vo1ny Moscow: Is ate stvo

"mezhdunarodnye otnosheniia," 1970). Michael R.

Dohan places primary emphasis on the economic fac-

tors in "The Economic Origins of Soviet Autarky

1927/28-1934," Slavic Review, LXV (December, 1976),

603-635.

5. Abram Bergson, Economic Trends in the Soviet

Union (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press,

1963)' p. 34.

6. Antony c. Sutton, Western Technolo~ and

Soviet Economic Development, Vol. II: 193 to 1945

(Stanford, Califo+nia: Hoover Institution Press,

1971)' p. 286.

8

7. V. I. Kasianenko, How Soviet Economy Won

Technical Independence (Moscow, Progress Publishers,

1966), p. 153.

9

have the prerequisites in sufficient quantity and

quality to stay abreast technologically in all areas.

Thus, direct investment and other active mechanisms

can supplement the technological efforts of local

enterprises. The more active arrangements, although

they may be costly in both economic and political

terms, can make a greater technological contribution

to the recipient.

The imposing list of prerequisites for success-

ful technological absorption suggests why the

"advantages of being backward" are often elusive

for less developed countries. It is true that late-

comers in the economic development process have

access to a vast array of industrial technologies

that have been developed at a great cost and over a

long period of time in the industrially advanced

countries.65 However, they frequently do not have

the means to assimilate such technologies. The

experiences of many developing countries suggest that

those countries which are technologically backward

are least able to absorb foreign technology effec-

tively. Gomulka's finding that less-developed

countries tend to benefit less thgg medium-developed

countries from foreign technology

is probably best

explained by the absence of these important pre-

requisites.

NOTES

1. u.s. Congress, House, Committee on Science

and Technology, Science Policy, A Working Glossary,

by Franklin P. Huddle. Committee Print (Washington,

D.C.: Government Printing Office, March 1976), p. 82.

2. G. R. Hall and R. E. Johnson, "Transfer of

United States Aerospace Technology to Japan," in The

Technolo. Factor in International Trade, ed. by ---

Raymond Vernon New York: Nat1onal Bureau of Econo-

mic Research, 1970), p. 306. Cf., Edward P. Hawthorne,

The Transfer of Technolog~ (Paris: Organisation for

Economic Co-operations an Development, 1971), p. 19.

3. Derek J. de s. Price, "The Structures of Pub-

lication in Science and Technology," in Factors in

the Transfer of Technology, ed. by W. H. Gruber and

D. G. Marquis (Cambridge: The M.I.T. Press, 1969),

pp. 91-104; J. Langrish et al., Wealth from Knowledge:

A Study of Innovation in-rndllstry (London! MacMillan,

1972); C. c. Gallaqher, "Manufacturing Technology in

Planned and Market Economies," (paper presented at the

Conference on Technology and Communist Culture,

Bellagio, Italy, August 22-28, 1975).

37

4. Price, p. 97.

5. Jack Baranson, Industrial Technologies for

Developing Economies (New York: Frederick A. Praeger,

1969), pp. 28-31.

6. Ibid., p. 29.

7. Organisation for Economic Co-operation and

Development. Gaps in Technology: Analytical Report

(Paris, 1970).

8. Hall and Johnson, p. 308.

9. Ibid.

10. U.S. Congress, House, Committee on Inter-

national Relations, Subcommittee on International

Security and Scientific Affairs, Science and Tech-

nology in the Department of State: Bringing Techni-

cal Content Into Diplomatic Policy and Operations,

by Franklin P. Huddle. Committee Print (Washington,

D.C.: Government Printing Office, June 1975), p. 6.

11. John Stuart Mill, Collected Works. Vol. II-

III: Principles of Political Economy (Toronto:

University of Toronto Press, 1963). Book 4, Chap. 1,

Section 2.

12. Karl Marx, Capital, Vol. I, Chap. 13, passim.

(New York: E. P. Dutton & Co., Inc., 1957).

13. Joseph Schumpeter, "The Instability of

Capitalism," Economic Journal, XXVIII, (September,

1928), 361-86.

14. Robert Solow, "Technical Change and the

Aggregate Production Function," Review of Economics

and Statistics, XXXIX (August, 1957), 312-20.

15. Edwin Mansfield, "Economic Impact of Inter-

national Technology Transfer," Research Management,

XVII (January, 1974), 8.

16. Edward Denison, The Sources of Economic

Growth in the United States and the Alternatives

Before Us (New York: Committee for Economic Develop-

ment, 1962).

17. Edward Denison, assisted by Jean-Pierre

Pouillier, Why Growth Rates Differ: Postwar Experi-

ence in Nine Western Countries (Washington, D.C.:

The Brookings Inst~tut~on, 1967), pp. 296-319.

18. Denison, The Sources of Economic Growth;

Stanley H. Cohn, "The Soviet Path to Economic Growth:

A Comparative Analysis, Review of Income and Wealth,

March 1976, p. 49.

19. Edward F. Denison, Accounting for United

States Economic Growth, 1929-1969 (Washington, D.C.:

The Brookings Institution, 1974), p. 80.

20. Simon Kuznets, Toward A Theory of Economic

Growth (New York: W. W. Norton and Co., Inc., 1968),

pp. 34-35.

38

21. Some economists prefer to use factor pro-

ductivity--the ratio of combined inputs of capital,

labor and land to output--as an indicator.

22. Stanislaw Gomulka, Inventive Activity, Dif-

fusion and the Stages of Economic Growth (Aarhus,

1976).

23. Ibid., pp. 50-59.

24. Organisation for Economic Co-operation and

Development, Gaes in Technology, Book IV.

25. David R1cardo, Principles of Political Econo-

my and Taxation (New York, E. P. Dutton & Co., 1948);

Eli Heckscher, "The Effect of Foreign Trade on the

Distribution of Income," Ekonomisk Tidskrift., XXI,

1919; Berti! Ohlin, Interreg1onal and International

Trade (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press,

1933).

26. Wassily Leontief, "Domestic Production and

Foreign Trade: The American Position Reexamined,"

Economia Internazionale, VII (February, 1945), 9-45.

27. Donald Kees1ng, "Labor Skills and Interna-

tional Trade: Evaluating Many Trade Flows with a

Single Measuring Device," Review of Economics and

Statistics, XLVII (August, 1965), 287-94; "Labor

Skills and Comparative Advantage," American Economic

Review, LVI (May, 1966), 249-254; and 11 Labor Skills

and the Structure of Trade in Manufactures," in The

Open Economy: Essays on International Trade and---

Finance, ed. by Peter B. Kenen and Roger Lawrence

(New York: Columbia University Press, 1968), 3-18.

28. For a survey of this literature, see John F.

Morrall, III, Human Capital, Technology and the Role

of the United States in International Trade (Gaines-

ville, Fla.: The University of Florida Press, 1972).

29. Raymond Vernon, "International Investment and

International Trade in the Product Cycle," Quarterly

Journal of Economics, LXXX (May 1966), 190-207.

30. Michael Posner, "International Trade and

Technical Change," Oxford Economic Papers, XIII

(October, 1961), 323-41.

31. G. C. Hufbauer, Synthetic Materials and the

Theory of International Trade (Cambridge, Mass.:

Harvard University Press., 1966).

32. The unintentional flow of technology across

international boundaries is frequently referred to

as international diffusion of t~chnology.

33. United Nations, Conference on Trade and

Development, Secretariat, Guidelines for the Study

of the Transfer of Technology to Development Countries

(New York, 1972), p. 8.

34. For a general discussion of these mechanisms,

see United Nations, Department of Economic and Social

39

Affairs, The Acquisition of Technology from Multi-

national Corporations by Developing Countries

(ST/ESA/12), New York, 1974, pp. 28-37; and United

Nations, Institute for Training and Research, The

International Transfer of Technology in the Estab-

lishment of the Petrochemical Industry in Developing

Countries, by Robert B. Stobaugh, (UNITAR Research

Report No. 12), New York, 1971, pp. 16-19.

35. Peter P. Gabriel, The International Transfer

of Corporate Skills: Management Contracts 1n Less

Developed Countries (Boston: Harvard Business

School, 1967), pp. 22-37.

36. Ibid. I

p. 29.

37. Un1ted Nations, Economic Commission for

Europe, Analytical Report on Industrial Co-operation

among ECE Countries (Prepared by the Executive

Secretary pursuant to Commission resolution 4 (XXVII)

for submission to the Twenty-Eighth Session of the

Economic Commission for Europe, Geneva, 1973), p. 2.

38. Ibid., pp. 7-14.

39. For a summary of the official Soviet position

on various technology transfer issues, see E. Obminskii,

"Rynok tekhnologii i razvivaiushchiecia strany,"

Mirovaia ekonomika i mezhdunarodnye otnosheniia,

September, 1975, pp. 40-50.

40. For a us~ful survey of this problem, see .

Sara Jackson, Economically Appropriate Technologies

for Developing Countries (Washington, D.C.: Overseas

Development Council, 1972).

41. R. Hal Mason, "The Selection of Technology:

A Continuing Dilemma," Columbia Journal of World

Business, IX (Summer, 1974), 29-34.

42. See, for example, J. J. Servan-Schreiber,

The American Challenge (New York: Atheneum, 1968).

43. Terutomo Ozawa, Japan's Technological Chal-

lenge to the West, 1950-1974: Motivation and

Accomplishment (Cambridge: The M.I.T. Press, 1974),

pp. 16-20.

44. Supra, pp. 19-23.

45. u.s. Department of Defense, Office of the

Director of Defense Research and Engineering, An

Analysis of Export Control of u.s. Technology-=A DoD

Perspective, a Report of the Defense Science Board

Task Force on Export of u.s. Technology (Washington,

D.C., February 4, 1976, pp. 4-8.

4 6 • Ibid. I

p. 4 •

47. James R. Basche, Jr. and Michael G. Duerr,

International Transfer of Technology: A Worldwide

Survey of Chief Executives (New York: The Conference

Board, 1975), pp. 13-14.

48. Hall and Johnson, p. 312.

40

49. Ibid.

50. Supra, p. 21.

51. Constantine V. Vaitsos, "Strategic Choices

in the Commercialization of Technology: The Point

of View of Developing Countries," Social Science

Journal, XXV, No. 3 (1973), 370-38 •

52. John H. Dunning, "Technology, United States

Investment, and European Economic Growth," in The

International Cor oration: A S m osium, ed. by--

Charles P. K1ndleberger C r1dge: T e M.I.T. Press,

1970), p. 169.

53. Jack Baranson, "Technology Transfer Through

the International Firm," American Economic Review,

LX (May, 1970).

54. Basche and Duerr, pp. 3-5.

55. David J. Teece, The Multinational Corporation

and the Resource Cost of International Technology

Transfer (Cambridge, Mass.: Ballinger Publishing

Company, 1976), p. 4.

56. Vaitsos, p. 371.

57. Basche and Duerr, pp. 3-7; Vaitsos, p. 375;

and United Nations Conference on Trade and Develop-

ment, Guidelines, pp. 20-27.

58. James Brian Quinn, "Technology Transfer by

Multinational Companies," Harvard Business Review,

XLVII (November-December, 1969), 160-161.

59. For a detailed description of the Japanese

government's role in the technology transfer process,

see Terutomo Ozawa, "Imitation, Innovation and Trade:

A Study of Foreign Licensing Operations in Japan,"

(unpublished Ph.D. dissertation, Columbia University,

1966).

60..,. Ben Crain, "The Regulation of Direct Foreign

Investment in Australia, Canada, France, Japan and

Mexico," unpublished report, Library of Congress,

Congressional Research Service (74-52E), February 28,

1974, pp. 30-53.

61. Miguel S. Wionczek, "Changing Attitudes in

the Developing World," Intereconomics, No. 1, 1973,

pp. 7-8.

62. Ibid., pp. 7-8; and United Nations, Depart-

ment of Economic and Social Affairs, The Acquisition

of Technology.

63. Richard E. Caves and Masu Uekusa, Industrial

Organization in Jaean (Washington, D.C.: The

Brookings Institut1on, 1976), p. 126.

64. See especially, Hawthrone, and Daniel L.

Spencer and Alexander Woroniak, "The Feasibility of

Developing Transfer of Technology Functions," Kyklos,

XX, No. 2 (1967).

41

65. Alexander Gerschenkron, Economic Backwardness

in Historical Perspective, (New York: Frederick A.

Praeger, 1965).

66. Supra, p. 20.

42

strategy will not change in the foreseeable future.

Because of its inability to generate major increases

in factor inputs, the Soviet economy will have to

rely on technological change as a source of continued

growth. Indeed, the logic of the new growth model

will become mor~ compelling in the 1980s. The need

for technological progress, in turn, provides an

incentive for continued technological interchange

with the West. Thus, Soviet leaders will be unable

to change courses, as they did in the 1930s, with-

out considerable economic costs.

NOTES

1. See Chapter 4 for definitions and further

discussions of these mechanisms.

2. J. Wilczynski, Technology in Comecon:

Acceleration of Technological Progress through

Economic Planninf and the Market (New York: Praeger

Publishers, 1974 , p. 301.

3. Pravda, March 12, 1974, p. 1.

4. M. L. Gorodisskiy, Licenses in U.S.S.R.

Foreign Trade, trans. by the National Technical

Information Service (Moscow: Mezhdunarodnyye

otnosheniia, 1972), p. 18.

5. M. M. Maksimova, SSSR i mezhdunarodnoe

ekonomicheskoe sotrudnichestvo (Moscow.: Izdatel 'stvo

"Mysl'," 1977), p. 59.

6. Maureen R. Smith, "Industrial Cooperation

Agreements: Soviet Experience and Practice," in

u.s. Congress, Joint Economic Committee, Soviet

Econom in a New Pers ective, Joint Committee Print

Wash1ngton, D.C.: Government Printing Office,

October 14, 1976), p. 768. (Hereinafter referred

to as JEC.)

7-:-I:'awrence H. Theriot, "Governmental and

Private Industry Cooperation with the Soviet Union

in the Fields of Science and Technology," in JEC

pp. 739-766. (See Appendix A.)

-

8. A. Kolomenskii, Kak my ispol'zuem zagranichnuiu

tekhniku (Moscow: Gosudarstvennoe izdatel 1 stvo, 1930),

p. 17.

9. v. I. Kas'ianenko, Zavoevanie ekonomicheskoi

nezavisimosti SSSR, 1917-1940 gg. (Moscow:

Politicheskaia literatura, 1972), p. 186.

10. Ibid., p. 190.

11. PraVda, August 10, 1977, p. 3.

12. John P. Hardt and Carl Modig, "Stalinist

Industrial Development in Soviet Russia," in Kurt

London, ed., The Soviet Union: a Half Century of

68

Communism (Baltimore: The Johns Hopkins Press, 1968),

p. 310.

13. Dmitrii Dmitrievich Mishustin, Vneshniaia

torgovlia i industrializatsiia SSSR (Moscow:

Izdatel'stvo Mezhdunarodnaia kniga, 1938), p. 88.

14. Dmitrii Dmitrievich Mishustin, Sotsialis-

ticheskaia monopoliia vneshnei torgovli SSSR (Moscow:

Izdatel'stvo Mezhdunarodnaia kniga, 1938), pp. 4-5.

15. Eugene Zaleski, Planning for Economic Growth

in the Soviet Union 1918-1932, trans. from the French

by Marie-Chr1st1ne MacAndrew and G. Warren Nutter,,

·chapel Hill: The University of North Carolona Press,

1971), p. 253.

16. Kas'ianenko, Zavoevanie, Chapters 3 and 4,

passim.

17. Zaleski, pp. 254.255.

18. M. Kaufman, "Itogi i perspektivy vneshnei

torgovli," Planovoe khoziaistvo, April, 1929, p. 94.

19. See Alexander Erl1ch, The Soviet Industriali-

zation Debate, 1924-1928 (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard

University Press, 1960), pp. 151-153; and Gregory

Grossman, "Scarce Capital and Soviet Doctrine,"

Quarterly Journal of Economics, LXVII (August, 1953),

315-316.

20. David Granick, Soviet Metal-Fabricating and

Economic Development: Practice versus Policy

(Madison: The University of Wisconsin Press, 1967),

p. 24.

21. Charles K. Wilber, The Soviet ~odel and

Underdeveloped Countries (Chapel Hill: The Un1versity

of North Carolina Press, 1969), p. 93.

22. Norton T. Dodge, "Trends in Labor Productiv-

ity in the Soviet Tractor Industry: A Case Study

in Industrial Development" (unpublished Ph.D.

dissertation, Harvard University, 1960), Chapter

VIII.

23. Granick, p. 111, and Wilber, p. 94.

24. Granick, p. 111.

25. Wilber, pp. 95-97.

26. Pravda, December 29, 1934, cited in Joseph

Berliner, "The Economics of Overtaking and Surpass-

ing," in Industrialization of Two Systems: Essays

in Honor of Alexander Gerschenkron, ed. by Henry

Rosovsky (New York: John Wiley & Sons, Inc., 1966),

p. 173.

27. Richard Moorsteen and Raymond P. Powell,

The Soviet Capital Stock, 1928-1962 (Homewood, Ill.,

Richard D. Irwin, Inc., 1966), p. 286.

28. Maurice Dobb, Soviet Economic Development

Since 1971 (London: Routledge and Kegan Paul Ltd.,

1948), p. 239.

69

29. Ibid.

30. Moorsteen and Powell, p. 283.

31. Ibid., p. 294.

32. Antony Sutton, Western Technology and Soviet

Economic Development Vol. II: 1930-1945 (Stanford:

Hoover Institution Press, 1971), p. 339.

33. Stanley H. Cohn, "The Soviet Path to Econo-

mic Growth: A Comparative Analysis," Review of

Income and Wealth, March, 1976, pp. 49-59.

34. Rush V. Greenslade, "The Real Gross National

Product of the U.S.S.R., li50-1975," in JEC, p. 279.

35. Cohn, pp. 56-57, and Abram Bergson, "Soviet

Economic Perspectives: Toward a New Growth Model,"

Problems of Communism, March-April, 1973, pp. 2-4.

36. Murray Feshbach and Stephen Rapawy, "Soviet

Population and Manpower Trends and Policies," in

JEC, pp. 113-154.

--- 37. Bergson, passim.

38. Ibid.

39. N. K. Baibakov, ed. Gosudarstvennyi piatletnii

plan razvitiia narodno~o khoziaistva SSSR na 1971-1975

godu (Moscow: Izdatel stvo politicheskoi literatury,

1972), p. 9.

40. Pravda, February 25, 1976.

41. N. I. Rogovskiy, "Proizvoditel'nots' nashego

truda," Pravda, June 9, 1976, p. 2.

42. I. Ivanov, "Foreign Trade Factors in the

USSR's Economic Growth and Some Perspectives for the

U.S.-Soviet Economic Cooperation," paper presented

at the Conference on U.S.-U.S.S.R.; Problems and

Opportunities, sponsored by Stanford Research Insti-

tute and the Institute of World Economy and Inter-

national Relations, Arlington, Virginia, April 17-19,

1973).

43. u.s. Central Intelligence Agency, Soviet

Economic Plans for 1976-80: A First Look (ER 76-10471),

August 1976, p. 29.

44. U.S. Central Intelligence Agency, The Soviet

Economy: Performance in 1975 and Prospects for 1976

(ER 76-10296), May 1976, p. 17.

45. CIA, Soviet Economic Plans, p. 26. Similar

figures are cited by Soviet economists. See, for

example, 0. Bogomolov, Izvestiia, February 26, 1976.

46. Donald w. Green and Herbert S. Levine,

"Implications of Technology Transfers for the USSR,"

in East-West Technological Co-operation. (Main

Findings of Colloquium held 17th-19th March, 1976 in

Brussels NATO, Directorate of Economic Affairs, 1976,

p. 56.

47. u.s. Congress, House, Committee on Foreign

Affairs, Subcommittee on National Security Policy

70

and Scientific Developments, U.S.-Soviet Commercial

Relations: The Interplay of Econom1cs, Technology

Transfer, and Diplomacy, by John P. Hardt and George

D. Holliday (Washington, D.C.~ Government Printing

Office, June 10, 1973), pp. 15-22 and 45-47.

48. N. P. Shmelev, ed., Ekonomicheskie sviazi

Vostok-Zapad: problemy i vozmozhnosti (Moscow:

Izdatel 1stvo "Mysl'," 1976), pp. 16-18.

49. Paul Ericson, "Soviet Efforts to Increase

Exports of Manufactured Products to the West,"

in JEC, pp. 709-726.

"""'SO. "Planirovanie i upravlenie nauchno-tekhniches-

kim progressom v X piatiletke," Voprosy ekonomiki,

No. 8. 1975, p. 118.

51. Iu. Samokhin, "Stimulirovanie eksportnogo

proizvodstva," Ekonomicheskaia gazeta, No. 12,

March 1975, p. 20.

52. P. S. Zavialov, Nauchno-tekhnicheskaia

revoliutsiia i mezhdunarodna1a spets1al1zats11a

proizvodstva rri kapitalizme (Moscow: Izdatel'stvo

11 Mys1 1 1 11 1974 , pp. 13-14.

53. Ericson, pp. 724-726.

54. See, for example, B. Komzin, "Iaponskii put'

nauchno-tekhnicheskogo razvitiia," Mirovaia ekonomika

i mezhdunarodnye otnosheniia, June, 1973, pp. 51-62~

and N. N. Smeliakov, S chego nachinaetsia rodina

(Moscow: Izdatel'stvo politicheskoi literatury,

1975), pp. 472-505.

55. Smeliakov, passim.

56. Karl F. Spielmann, "Defense Industrialists

in the USSR," Problems of Communism," XXV (September-

October, 1976), 67.

57. s. A. Kheinman, "Mashinostroenie: perspektivy

i reservy," Ekonomika i organizatsiia promyshlennogo

proizvodstva, No. 6, 1974, pp. 37-62.

71

thirties, and that little was done in this

field until recent times. This inevitably

affected the scientific validity of certain

organisational decisions and led in practice

to an approach to problems of management that

was often purely empirica1.88

Thus far, Soviet attempts to absorb Western

management techniques have relied on indirect, .

passive channels. Courses in management science·

have been established at a ·number· of Soviet insti-

tutions. A new kind of high-level business school

has been established to train Soviet managers in

management science. The first school at the national

level was created in Moscow in 1971, and another was

established in Kiev in 1975. The curricula at these

schools include studies of the best management tech-

niques developed in the Soviet Union and abroad. A

number of Soviet institutes concerned with foreign

affairs, such as the Institute of International

Economics and International Relations and the Insti-

tute for the Study of the U.S.A. and Canada, also

devote considerable efforts to studying Western

management practices.

There is also increasing interest in direct

importation of Western management technology through

more active technology transfer mechanisms. Soviet

officials are looking more favorably at mechanisms

that provide transfers of managerial knowhow.

Specifically, they are interested in Western tech-

niques such as computer applications and systems

analysis to assist in solving the chronic problems

of Soviet management--managing the innovation cycle;

quality control; better organization of labor and

improvement of the incentive structure of the enter-

prise; marketing; and coordination of very large

industrial projects.

NOTES

1. Karl Marx, "Manifesto of the Communist

Party," in Karl Marx and Frederick En els: Selected

Works, Vol. 1 Moscow: Fore1gn Languages Publish1ng

House, 1950), p. 38.

2; v. I. Lenin, Selected Works (Moscow, Foreign

Languages Publishing House, 1943), Vol. V, pp. 9lf.,

cited by Stefan T. Possony, ed., Lenin Reader

(Chicago: Henry Regnery Company, 1966), p. 298.

3. Ibid., pp. 294-295.

4. Ibid., pp. 98-99.

108

5. v. I. Lenin, "O prodovol'stvennom naloge."

Izbrannye proizvedeniia, Vol. 3 (Moscow: Izdatel'stvo

politicheskoi literatury, 1972), pp. 547-548.

(Emphasis added.)

6. Joseph Stalin, The Foundations of Leninism

(Moscow: Foreign Languages Publishing House, 1950),

p. 160.

7. Joseph Stalin, Economic Problems of Socialism

in the USSR. (New York: International Publishers,

1952) 1

P• 33 •

8. v. Kasyanenko, How Soviet Economy Won Techni~

cal Independence (Moscow: Progress Publishers, 1966),

p. 37.

9. Michael R. Dohan stresses the importance of

the economic factors in "The Economic Origins of

Soviet Autarky, 1927/28-1934," Slavic Review. XXXV

(December, 1976), 604-635.

10. Pravda, December 18, 1975, p. 2.

11. Harvey L. Dyck, Weimar Germany and Soviet

Russia, 1926-1933: A Study in Diplomatic Instability

(New York: Columbia University Press, 1966).

12. v. I. Kas'ianenko, Zavoevanie ekonomicheskoi

nezavisimosti SSSR (1917-1940) (Moscow: Izdatel'stvo

polit1cheskoi literatury, 1927), p. 191. (Emphasis

added.) A similar explanation is given inN. P.

Shrnelev, ed., Ekonomicheskie sviazi Vostok-Zapad:

problemy i vozmozhnosti (Moscow: Izdatel'stvo "Mysl',"

1976), pp. 24-25.

13. L. Mertts et al, "GAZ i Ford," Planovoe

khoziaistvo, No. 6-7, 1932, p. 237.

14. L. Sabsovich, Ekonomicheskoe obozrenie, May

1929, p. 24, cited by David Granick, Soviet Metal-

Fabricatin~ and Economic Develoement: Practice

versus Pol1cy (Madison: The Un1versity of wisconsin

Press, 1967), p. 21.

15. Kasyanenko, Soviet Economy, p. 145.

16. Joseph Stalin, cited by B. v. Lavrovskii,

Tsifr i fakt za 15 let o avtostroeniiu v SSSR

Moscow:

Gosudarstvennoe aviats1onnoe 1 avtotrak-

tornoe izdatel'stvo, 1932), p. 27.

17. Kendall E. Bailes, "The Politics of Techno-

logy: Stalin and Technocratic Thinking among Soviet

Engineers," American Historical Review, LXXIX

(April, 1974), 445-69.

18. Kasyanenko, Soviet Economy, pp. 131-39.

19. XXII S"ezd KPSS, stenograficheskii otchet,

(Moscow, 1961) Vol. 1, p. 63.

20. Alexei Kosygin "On Improving Management of

Industry, Perfecting', Planning and Enhancing Economic

Incentives in Industrial Production," in New Methods

of Economic Management in the USSR (Moscow: Novost1

Press Agency Publishing House, 1965), p. 19.

109

21. Materialy XXIII S"ezda KPSS, {Moscow, 1966),

p. 171.

22. Pravda, February 25, 1976.

23. Pravda, October 27, 1973.

24. D. D. Mishustin, Sotsialisticheskaia

monopoliia vneshnei torgovli SSSR {Moscow: Izdatel'

stvo Mezhdunarodnaia kniga, 1938), p. 13.

25. Alexander Baykov, Soviet Foreign Trade

{Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1946), p. 11.

26. John Quigley, The Soviet Foreign Trade

Monopoly: Institutions and Laws {n.p.: The Ohio

State University Press, 1974).

27. Quigley, p. 27.

28. Ibid., p. 55.

29. Antony c. Sutton, Western Technology and

Soviet Economic Develo ment, Vol. I: 1917-1930

Stanford: Hoover Inst1tution on War, Revolution and

Peace, 1968), p. 6: and U.S. National Science Founda-

tion, Office of Science Information, The U.S.S.R.

Scientific and Technical Information System: A U.S.

View, {report of the U.S. participants in the U.S./

U.S.S.R. Symposium on Scientific and Technical

Information, Moscow, June 18-30, 1973, and Washington,

D.C., October, 1973), passim~

30 The concession decree, dated November 23, 1920,

is reprinted in Ivan Ivanovich Skvortsov-Stepanov,

Ob inostrannykh kontessiakh {Moscow: Gosudarstvennoe

izdatel'stvo, 1920), pp. 41-43.

31. Alex Nove, An Economic History of the U.S.S.R.

{Baltimore: Penguin Books, 1972), p. 89.

32. See especially Sutton, Vol. I, ~assim.

33. For a detailed description of t e contractual

obligations and rights of concessions, see G. A.

Kuzbasov, Rabota profsoiuzov na kontsessionnykh

predpriiatiiakh {Moscow: Gosudarstvennoe izdAtel'stvo,

1920), pp. 113-123: and Joseph Watstein, "Soviet Eco-

nomic Concessions: The Agony and the Promise," ACES

Bulletin, XVI {Spring, 1974).

--

34. Kas'ianenko, Zavoevanie, p. 185.

35. A. Kolomenskii, Kak my ispolzuem zagranichnuiu

tekhniku (Moscow: Gosudarstvennoe izdatel 1 stvo,

1930).

36. Ibid., p. 53.

37. Kas'ianenko, Zavoevanie, passim.

38. Kasyanenko, Sov1et Economy, p. 140.

39. Quigley, pp. 60-68.

40. Sutton, Vol. 1-3, passim.

41. Supra, pp. 35-37.

42. Eastern Europe Report, V {March 5, 1976),

65-66.

43. Pravda, March 12, 1974, p. 1.

11.0

44. Philip Hanson, "The Diffusion of Imported ·

Technology in the USSR," in NATO, Directorate of

Economic Affairs, East West Technological Co-operation,

Main findings of Colloquium held 17-19th March, 1976

in Brussels, p. 149.

45. L. Pekarsky, Sotsialisticheskaia industriia,

December 19, 1973.

46. Kas'ianenko, Zavoevanie, pp. 130-32.

47. E. Manevich, "Problemy vosproizvodstva

rabochei sily i puti uluchsheniia ispol'zovaniia

trudovykh resursov v SSSR," Voprosy ekonomiki, 10,

1969.

48. See case study in Chapters 5 and 6.

49. E. Artemiev, "Patenty i litsenzii: vazhnoe

uslovie tekhnicheskogo progressa," Pravda, July 30,

1975, p. 2. The same point is made in 11 Sovershenstvovat'

planirovanie vnedrenie nauchno-tekhnicheskikh dostiz-

heniy v proizvodstve," Planovoe khoziaistvo, November,

1975, p. 8.

50. M. L. Gorodisskiy, Litsenzii vo vneshnei

torgovli SSSR (Moscow: Izdatel'stvo Mezhdunarodnyye

otnosheniia, 1972). Translated by National Techni-

cal Information Services, COM-73-10738, May 2, 1972,

p. 136.

51. M. Papichev, "Regulirovanie pokupok litsenziy

i 'nou-khau'," Vneshniaia torgovlia, No. 10, 1975,

p. 49.

52. U.S. Department of Commerce, Bureau of East-

West Trade, "Impact of Compensation Agreements on

Soviet Exports Through 1930," (unpublished paper,

January 18, 1977).

53. Details of the new forms of East-West indus-

trial cooperation are provided in: United Nations,

Economic Commission for Europe, Analytical Report on

Industrial Co-Operation among ECE Countries, Geneva,

1973, E/ECE/844/Rev. 1, pp. 7-14; and N. P. Shmelev,

"Scope for Industrial, Scientific and Technical

Cooperation between East and West," (paper presented

at the International Economic Association meeting

in Dresden, German Democratic Republic, July 1976).

54. Shmelev, "Cooperation Between East and West."

55. Lawrence H. Theriot, "U.S. Governmental and

Private Industry Cooperation with the Soviet Union

in the Fields of Science and Techn,ology," in JEC,

pp. 739-66.

-

56. See Appendix I.

57. Eastwest Markets, May 3, 1976, p. 2.

58. Some Western businessmen agree with this

assessment. See, for example, Interview with David

Rockefeller, "How to Trade with the Communists,"

U.S. News and World Report, August 13, 1973, p. 37.

111

59. Shmelev, "Cooperation Between East and West."

See also, V. Sushkov, "Dolgosrochnoe torgovo-

promyshlennoe sotrudnichestvo SSSR s razvitymi

kapitalisticheskimi stranami na kompensatsionnoi

osnove," Vneshniaia torc;ovlia, No. 5, 1977, pp. 17-22.

60. Jozef Wilczynsk1, Joint East-West Ventures

and Rights of Ownership, Carleton University, Insti-

tute of Soviet and East European Studies. (East-

West Commercial Relations Series, Working Paper

No. 6, October 1975).

61. Glen Alden Smith, Soviet Foreign Trade:

Organization Operations and Policy, 1918-1971

(New York: Praeger Publishers, 1973), pp. 95-98.

62. Business Eastern Europe, V (October 15,

1976), 321-22.

63. Smith, pp. 102-5.

64. Quigley, p. 78.

65. Ibid.

66. Gorodisskiy, p. 131.

67. E. Ia. Volynets-Russet, Planirovanie i

raschet effektivnosti priobreten11a l1tsenzii

(Moscow: "Ekonomika," 1973), pp. 128-42.

68. Soviet Business and Trade, IV, (August 4,

1975) 1

P• 6.

69. Quigley, p. 78.

70. Lawrence J. Brainard, "Soviet Foreign Trade

Planning," in JEC, pp. 695-708.

71. Gorodisskiy, p. 129.

72. Business Eastern Europe, V (October 15, 1976),

321-22 and (August 5, 1977), 244-45.

73. Quigley, p. 164.

74. Gorodisskiy, p. 131.

75. Ibid., p. 133.

76. v. s. Posdniakov, "The Legal Status of U.S.S.R.

Trade Missions Abroad," Sovetskoe gosudarstvo i pravo,

March, 1975, pp. 87-94, trans. in Current Digest of

the Soviet Press, XXVII, (November 5, 1975). See

also Qu1gley, pp. 79-80.

77. I. Kovan, "Leninskii printsip vneshneekonomi-

cheskikh otnoshenii sovetskogo gosudarstva,"

Vneshniaia torgovlia, No. 4, 1973, p. 8.

78. o. Bogomolov, "0 vneshneekonomicheskikh

sviaziakh SSSR," Kommunist, March, 1974, p. 98.

79. New York T1mes, July 10, 1973.

80. Margarita Matveevna Maksimova, SSSR i

mezhdunarodnoe ekonomicheskoe sotrudnichestvo

(Moscow: Izdatel-stvo "Mysl'," 1977), pp. 192-93.

81. Joseph s. Berliner, The Innovation Decision

in Soviet Industry (Cambridge: The M.I.T. Press,

1976), p. 518.

112

82. N. N. Smeliakov, S chego nachinaetsia rodina

(Moscow: Izdatel'stvo politicheskoi literatury,

1975) 1

P• 488 o

83. See John P. Hardt and George D. Holliday,

"Implications of Commercial Technology Transfer

between the Soviet Union and the United States,"

in u.s. Congress, House, Committee on International

Relations, Subcommittee on International Security

and Scientific Affairs, T~chnology Transfer and

Scientific Cooperation between the United States

and the Soviet union: A Review, Committee Print

(Washington, D.C.: Government Printing Office,

May 26, 1977), pp. 81-82.

84. M. w. Balz, Invention and Innovation under

Soviet Law: A Comparat1ve Analys1s. (Toronto and

London: Lexington Books, D. c. Heath, 1975).

85. s. A. Kheinman, "Mashinostroenie: perspektivy

i reservy," Ekonomika i organizatsiia promyshlennogo

proizvodstva, November-December, 1974, p. 61.

86. Alice c. Gorlin, "Industrial Reorganization:

The Associations," in JEC, pp. 162-88.

87. John A. Armstrong, The Euroeean Administra-

tive Elite (Princeton: Princeton Un1versity Press,

1973), pp. 188-90.

88. Dzherrnan Gvishiani, Organization and Manage-

ment: A Sociolo ical Anal sis of Western Theories

Moscow: Progress Publishers, 1972 , pp. 7-8.

113

its designers to radically revise designs for both

GAZ-51 and another truck model, the GAZ-63.57 By

most assessments, these vehicles represented a nota-

ble qualitative jump in comparison with pre-war

models.58

Lipgart provides insights into why passive

technology borrowing worked during World War II,

whereas it had been unsuccessful before:

The establishment at the plant of a strong

staff of designers and the experience which we

accumulated permitted us to confidently work

on the creation of new types of special

vehicles, which until then were completely

unknown to us. The work on military projects

had a highly beneficial influence on the

entire design-experimental staff. We began

to feel.our strength, became bolder, and lost

the last traces of our "awe" of foreign

technology.59

It is clear from this description of wartime work at

GAZ that its importance to the war effort gave it

a much higher priority, in terms of allocation of

R & D funds, personnel and other inputs. By con-

centrating high quality technological resources at

GAZ, Soviet automotive officials were able to over-

come the difficulties normally associated with

passive technology borrowing. The result was con-

siderable spinoffs to the civilian automotive indus-

try. However·, the extraordinary measures taken

during the war to promote technological progress at

GAZ were not feasible, either before or after the

war.

NOTES

1. Hereafter, the three projects will be iden-

tified by their Russian abbreviations: GAZ

(Gor'kovskii Avtomobil'nyi Zavod), VAZ (Volzhskii

Avtomobil'nyi Zavod), and KamAZ (Kamskii Avtomobil'nyi

zavod).

---2. D. D. Mishustin, Vneshniaia torgovlia i

industrializatsiia SSSR (Moscow, Mezhdunarodnaia

kniga, 1935), p. 174. Mishustin's figures apparently

include only the cost of imported machinery and equip-

ment. Wages and expenses of Western specialists

who assisted at GAZ and payments for unassembled

automobiles shipped by Ford to GAZ may not be

included. A Ford official later estimated that

133

Ford had done over $40 million in business with the

Soviet Union, a figure which presumably includes

sales of automobile parts and payments for technical

assistance. See Charles E. Sorenson (with Samuel

T. Williams), My Forty Years with Ford (New York:

W. W. Norton and Company, Inc., 1956), p. 193.

3. Imogene U. Edwards, "Automotive Trends in

the U.S.S.R.," in u.s. Congress, Joint Economic

Committee, Soviet Economic Prospects for the Seven-

ties. Joint Committee Print (Washington, D.C.:

Government Printing Office,. June 27, 1973), p. 296.

4. Chase World Information Corporation. Kamaz,

the Billion Dollar Beginning, (New York, 1974).

5. Antony c. Sutton, Western Technology and

Soviet Economic Development, Vol. I: 1917-1930

(Stanford: Hoover Institution Publications, 1968).

6. Details of the contract are provided in

Amtorg Trading Corporation, Economic Review of the

Soviet Union, July 1, 1929, pp. 230-31.

7. Cited by M. L. Sorokin, Za avtomobilizatsiiu

SSSR (Moscow: Moskovskii rabochii, 1928), p. 42.

---- 8. The debates are described in B. v. Lavrosvkii,

Tsifry i fakty za 15 let po avtostroenii v SSSR

(Moscow: Gosudarstvennoe aviatsionnoe i avtotraktornoe

izdatel'stvo, 1932), p. 27.

9. Grigorii T. Grinko, The Five-Year Plan of

the Soviet Union: A Political Inter retation (New

York: Internat1onal Publ1s ers, 1 3 , p.

4.

10. M. Sorokin, "Ob avtomobilizatsii Soiuza,"

Ekonomicheskoe obozrenie, July, 1929, p. 95.

11. Maurice Hindus, "Henry Ford Conquers Russia,"

The Outlook, June 29, 1927), 280-83.

12. See, "Why I am Helping Russian Industry,"

Henry Ford interviewed by William A. McGarry,

Nation's Business, June, 1930, pp. 20-23.

13. Ford Motor Company. Report of the Ford

Delegation to Russia and the U.S.S.R. (Hoover

Institution Microfilms, 1926). See, also, Allan

Nevins and Frank Ernest Hill, Ford, Expansion and

Challenge, Vol. II: 1915-1933 (New York: Charles

Schribners Sons, 1957), pp. 674-77.

14. Nevins and Hill, 676-77 and Charles E.

Sorenson, (with Samuel T. Williams), My Forty Years

with Ford (New York: w. w. Norton and Company,

Inc., 1956, p. 203.

15. Sorenson, p. 203.

16. Sorokin, Za avtomobilizatsiiu, p. 85.

17. L. Mertts et al., "GAZ i Ford," Planovoe

khoziaistvo, No. 6-7, 1932, p. 258, and v. Kas1anenko,

How Soviet Econom Won Technical Inde endence

Moscow: Progress Publ1shers, 19 6 , p.

1.

134

18. Nevins and Hill, p. 677.

19. Amtorg, July 1, 1929, p. 230.

20. Sorenson, p. 198.

21. N. Osinskii, "Novyi Ford v Amerikanskoi

i nashei obstanovke," Za rulem, no. 9-10, May 1932,

p. 9.

22. Mertts et al., p. 239.

23. David Gran~ck, "Organization and Technology

in Soviet Metalworking: Some Conditioning Factors,"

American Economic Review, XLVII (May, 1957), 632.

24. Sutton, Vol. I, p. 248.

25. Amtorg Trading Corporation, Economic Review

of the Soviet Union, November 15, 1929, p. 378.

26. Sutton, Vol. I, p. 248.

27. Avtostroi was the domestic construction

organization which had overall responsibility for

building GAZ.

28. Details of the planning and design stage

are provided in M. v. Vavilov et al., Avtostroi

analiz or anizatsii stroitel'stv.a!Gor'kovsko o

Avtozavoda ~m. t. Molotova Moscow: Glavna~a

redaktsiia stroitel'noi literatury, 1934), pp. 27-28.

29. M. P. Kim et al., Industrializatsiia SSSR,

1929-1932 gg. (Moscow:- Izdatel'stvo Nauka, 1970),

p. 267.

30. Vavilov et al.,·pp. 30, 33, 87.

31. Ibid., p~ 29, 30, 85.

32. Ibid. I

p. 4.

33. B. v. Lavrovskii, pp. 34-35.

34. Ibid.

35. Ibid., p. 35.

36. Mertts et al., p. 259.

37. Sutton,~ I, p. 247.

38. Sorokin, "Ob avtomobilizatsii," pp. 98-100.

39. P. A~ Khromov, Proizvoditel'nost' truda v

promyshlennosti SSSR (Moscow: Gosplanizdat, 1940),

p. 200.

.

40. Mertts et al., pp. 246-55.

41. Ibid., p. 259.

42. v. Kasyanenko, How Soviet Economy Won Tech-

nical Independence (Moscow: Progress Publishers,

1966) 1

P• 98 •

43. Supra, pp. 62-63.

44. Mertts et al., pp. 246-56.

45. Ibid., pp. 254-55.

46. Ibid., p. 240.

47. Sorenson, p. 207.

48. Between 1930 and 1936, the Institute was

called the Scientific Auto-Tractor Institute

(Nauchnyi Avtotraktornyi Institut, or NAT!). In

1936, NAT! was split into two institutes, with one

135

specializing in tractors and the other (NAMI), in

automobiles.

49. Lavrovskii, p. 54. See also, Evgenii

Alekseevich Chudakov, Razvitie avtomobilestroeniia

v SSSR (Moscow: Gosplanizdat, 1948), pp. 20-23.

50. E. A. Chudakov, "Problemy avtotransporta,"

Sotsialisticheskaia rekonstrucktsiia i nauka,

No. 2-3, 1931, p. 154.

51. E. A. Chudakov, "Razvitie dinamicheskikh

kachestv avtomobilia," Sotsialisticheskaia

rekonstrucktsiia i nauka, No. 3, 1936. p. 34.

52. Chudakov, Razv1tie, pp. 56-57.

53. Ibid., p. 24.

54. Polina Aleshina, et al., Gor'kovskii

Avtomobil'nyi (Moscow: Profizdat, 1964), p. 86.

55. Antony c. Sutton, Western Technology and

Soviet Economic Development Vol. II, 1930-1945

(Stanford: Hoover Institution Press, 1971), p. 182.

56. Ibid., p. 324.

57. A. A. Lipgart, "Razvitie konstruktsii

avtomobilei zavoda im. V. M. Molotova," in Akademiia

nauk, SSSR, Institut Mashinovedeniia, Voprosy

mashinovedeniia: sbornik statei posviashchennyi

shestideciatiletiu Akademika E. A. Chudakova

(Moscow: Izdatel 1stvo Akademii Nauk SSSR, 1950),

p. 105.

58. While Lipgart represents the GAZ-51 and GAZ-

63 as composites of the best Western and Soviet

designs, Antony Sutton maintains that they "were

almost exact duplications of U.S. Army World War II

vehicles." Sutton, II, p. 198.) Whichever version

is accurate, the new truck designs represented

an unusually successful example of passive technology

borrowing.

59. Lipgart, p. 105.

136

NOTES:

1. Barney K. Schwalberg, "The Soviet Automotive

Industry, A Current Assessment," Automotive Industries,

CXVIII, (January 1, 1958), 69.

2. Evgenii Alekseevich Chudakov, Razvitie

avtomobilestroeniia v SSSR (Moscow: Gosplanizdat,

1942), pp. 82-83; and William P. Baxter, "The Soviet

Passenger Car Industry," Survey, IXX, (Summer 1973),

228.

3. A. Aganbegyan, "Evaluate According to the

Final Results," Trud, July 26, 1977, p. 2 (Translated

in Joint Publications Research Service, 69714,

Translations on USSR Economic Affairs, No. 799,

August 31, 1977, pp. 59-60.

4. Promyshlenno-ekonomicheskaia gazeta, November

14, 1956, cited by Schwalberg, p. 69.

5. Schwalberg, pp. 60-61.

6. Ibid., passim.

7. N.S. Khrushchev, XXII S"ezd Kommunisticheskoi

Partii Sovetskogo Soiuza, stenografichesk11 otchet,

October 17-31, 1961 (Moscow: Gosudarstvennoe

izdatel'stvo politicheskoi literatury, 1962), p. 62.

8. A. N. Kosygin, "Povyshenie nauchnoi

obosnovannosti planov--vashneishaia zadacha plannovykh

organov," Planovoe khoziaistvo, April, 1965, p. 6.

9. Ibid., pp. 9-10.

10. Imogene U. Edwards, "Automotive Trends in

the U.S.S.R.," U.S. Congress, Joint Economic Commit-

tee, Joint Committee Print in Soviet Economic Pros-

pects for the Seventies, (Washin9ton, D.C.: Govern-

ment Printing Office, June 27, 1973), p. 306.

11. Izvestiia, December 7, 1974, p. 3 (Trans-

lated in The Current Digest of the Soviet Press,

XXVI (January 1, 1975), 15.

12. S. Matveev, "Perspektivy razvitiia avto-

mobil'noi promyshlennosti v novom piatiletii,"

Planovoe khoziaistvo, July, 1966, p. 28.

13. Paul Ericson, "Soviet Efforts to Increase

Exports of Manufactured Products to the West," in

U.S. Congress, Joint Economic Committee, Soviet

Economy in a New Perspective, Joint Committee Print

(Washington, D.C.: Government Printing Office,

October 14, 1976), p. 722.

14. v. Papkovskii, "Kakogo tipa legkovye avtomo-

bili nam nuzhny," Kommunist, XXXVI, no. 14, 1959,

pp. 126-28.

15. U. A. Zamozikin, L. N. Zhilina, and N. I.

Frolova, "Sdvigi v massovom potreblenii i lichnost',"

Voprosy filosofii, VI (June, 1969), p. 33.

166

16. U.S. Congress, House of Representatives,

Committee on Banking and Currency, Subcommittee on

International Trade, The FIAT-Soviet Auto Plant and

Communist Economic Reforms, Committee Print (Washing-

ton, D.C.: Government Printing Office, March 1,

1967), p. 4.

17. v. N. Sushkov, "Sotrudnichestvo s firmoi

'FIAT' rasshiriaetsia," interview in Vneshniai

torgovlia, No. 8, 1966, p. 44.

18. Michele Boumsell and Nicolas Simon, "L'Evolu-

tion de la Cooperation Franco-Sovietique dans

l'Industrie Automobile," Le Courier des Pays de

l'Est, No. 192, January 1976, pp. E-29-37.

----1-9. Sushkov, p. 44.

20. Some of the details of this contract are

provided in V. Buffa, "Economic and Commercial

Cooperation Between East and West," Draft of a

speech, November 3, 1973, provided by the Italian

Embassy, Washington, D.C. (Buffa was in charge of

FIAT's operations at Tol'iatti.) See also, u.s.

Congress, FIAT-Soviet, passim.

21. Aron Katsenelinboigen, "Soviet Science and

the Economists/Planners," (paper presented at the

Workshop on Soviet Science and Technology sponsored

by George Washington University and the National

Science Foundation, Airlie House, Virginia,

November 18-21, 1976).

22. Buffa.

23. v. Soloviev, Za rulem, no. 6, 1968, pp. 6-7.

24.' P. M. Katsura and M. N. Meshcheriakova,

Novye form! organizatsii promtshlennogo proizvodstva

(Opyt VAZa (Moscow: Izdatel stvo 11 Ekonomika11 ,

1974) 1

PP• 23.

25. Ibid., p. 7.

26. Radio Liberty, "Soviet Popular Car Industry's

Slow Start," January 26, 1971.

27. B. M. Katsman, "Glavnyi vyigrysh--vremia,"

Ekonomika i organizatsiia promyshlennogo proizvodstva,

no. 1, 1976, pp. 65-66.

28. Ibid., p. 68.

29. Katsura and Meshcheriakova, p. 8.

30. Buffa.

31. "Organizatsiia nauchno-issledovatel'skikh

razrabotok na VAZe," Ekonomika i organizatsiia

promyshlennogo proizvodstva, no. 1, 1976, pp. 159-61.

32. Izvestiia, December 18, 1974, p. 3.

33. Edwards, p. 296.

34. "Organizatsiia nauchno-issledovatel'skikh,"

p. 159.

35. Radio Liberty, "Why the Volga Automobile

Plant's Production Schedule has been Disrupted,"

November 8, 1972.

167

36. Pravda, August 28, 1975, p. 2.

37. V. N. Sushkov, "0 torgovo-ekonomicheskom

sotrudnichestve s kapitalisticheskimi stranami v

stroitel'stve v SSSR krupnykh promyshlennykh

ob"ektov," Vneshniaia torgovlia, No. 2, 1976, p. 11;

and "Bendix breaks ground in trade with Russia,

Business Week, January 31, 1977, p. 49.

38. Business International, Eastern Europe

Report, September 19, 1975, p. 266; January 9, 1976,

p. 5; May 14, 1975, p. 151.

39. E. B. Golland, "Tekhnicheskaia osnova

vysokoi proizvoditel'nosti truda," Ekonomika i

organizatsiia promyshlennogo proizvodstva, No. 1,

1975, pp. 84-86;

40. Edwards, p. 296.

41. "Organizatsiia nauchno-issledovatel'skikh,"

p. 162.

42. Ibid., passim.

43. Ibid., pp. l63, 181.

44. u.s. Central Intelligence Agency, Soviet

Commercial Operations in the West (ER 77-10486),

Washington, D.C., September 1977, p. 25.

45. VAZ's management system is described in

Katsura and Meshcheriakova, and in Ekonomika i

orgariizatsiia promyshlennogo proizvodstva, no. 1,

1976, pp. 47-210, passim.

46. N. Mironov and N. Petrov, "Universitety

avtograda," Pravda, May 6, 1976, p. 2.

47. Izvestiia, December 18, 1974, p. 3.

48. A. Aganbegyan, p. 63.

49. Andreas Tenson, "Too Few Service Stations

for Soviet Cars," Radio Liberty Dispatch, August 20,

1974.

50. "VAZ--shkola upravleniia," Ekonomika i

organizatsiia promyshlennogo proizvodstva, No. 1,

1976, pp. 116-17.

51. E. Trubitsyn, "Motor Transport in the New

Conditions," Ekonomicheskaia gazeta, no. 47, November

1974, p. 8. (Translated in Current Digest of the

Soviet Press, XXVII, no. 16, May 14, 1975.)

52. D. Velikanov, "Needs of National Economy

in Technical Progress in Development of Motor Trans-

port Facilities," Avtomobil'nyy transport, no. 11,

November 1974 (Translated by Joint Publications

Research Service, USSR Trade and Services, no. 845,

March 21, 1975, pp. 25-26.)

53. Trud, October 11, 1969.

54. Chase World Information Corporation, KamAZ,

the Billion Dollar Beginning, New York, 1974, pp. 4-

5. Harlan s. Finer,.Howard Gobstein and George D.

Holliday, "KamAZ: u.s. Technology Transfer to the

168

Soviet Union," Technology Transfer and u.s. Foreign

Policy, ed. by Henry R. Nau, (New York: Praeger

Publishers, 1976), pp. 87-119.

55. Chase, p. 5.

56. For a list of other important contracts, see

Chase, pp. 7-21.

57. For example, Donald E. Stingel, then Execu-

tive Vice President of Swindell-Dressler Company,

stated that his company declined such an offer.

Remarks at George Washington University, Washington,

D.C., on February 25, 1975.

58. Chase, .pp. 49-53.

59. M. Troitskii, "Na novom etape," Novyi mir,

No. 1, January 1975, pp. 170-71 and 178-79.

60. L. Bliakhman, "Glavnyi vyigrysh--vremia;

zametki o problemakh uskoreniia nauchno-tekhniches-

kogo progressa," Neva, no. 1, 1973, p. 173.

61. Edwards, p:-309.

62. Ibid., p. 305.

63. stingel.

64. Jack H. Schaum, "Kamaz Foundry ••• u.s.A. on

Display," Modern Casting, March 1976, p. 44.

65. Stroitel'naia gazeta, August 31, 1975, p. 3.

66. Schaum, p. 44.

67. Sotsialisticheskaia industriia, March 26,

1975, p. 2.

68. Pravda, December 9, 1972, p. 2.

69. Pravda, December 26, 1974, p. 2.

70. Stroitel'naia gazeta, August 31, 1975, p. 3.

71. Troitskii, p. 177.

72. Eastwest Markets, January 27, 1975, p. 11.

73. G. V. Plekhanov, "New System for the Organi-

zation of Supply Operations in the Construction In-

dustry," Material'no-tekhnicheskoe snabzhenie, No.

5, May 1977, pp. 26-32. (Translated in JPRC 69346,

Translations on USSR Trade and Services, 1032,

July 1, 1977.)

74. Pravda, December 27, 1974, p. 2.

75. Schaum, p. 46.

76. Edwards, p. 305.

77. Supra, pp. 126-127. See also: B. v. Vlasov

et al., Ekonomicheskie problemy proizvodstva

avtomobilei (~oscow: Izdatel'stvo "Nashinostroenie,"

1971) •

78. Troitskii, p. 178.

79. G. Arbatov, "Proektirovanie organizatsii

krupnykh proizvodstvenno-khoziaistvennykh kompleksov

i upravleniia imi," Planovoe khoziaistvo, May 1975,

p. 18.

80. B. Mil'ner, "On the Organization of Manage-

ment," Kommunist, no. 3, February, 1975 (Translated

169

in Joint Publications Research Service, 64452,

April 1, 1975, p. 50.)

81. Arbatov, p. 22; and B. Z. Mil'ner, ed.,

Organizatsionnye struktury upravleniia proizvodstvom

(Moscow: Izdatel'stvo "Ekonomika," 1975), p. 136.

82. Arbatov, pp. 22-27, and Mil'ner, Organizat-

sionnye struktury, pp. 136-46.

83. Herbert E. Meyer, "A Plant that Could Change

the Shape of Soviet Industry," Fortune, November,

1974, pp. 153-56.

84. Arbatov, p. 23.

85. Ibid., pp. 25-26.

86. Personal letter from International Business

Machines. See also, Chase, pp. 81-88.

87. Nicholas Simon, "L'organisation du complexe

automobile "KamAZ": un nouveau style de management

Sovietique," Le courier des pays de l'est, No. 205,

March 1977, p. 28.

170

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Periodicals, Newspapers and

Newsletters Frequently Consulted

A. Western

The Association for Comparative Economic Studies

Bulletin

Automotive Industries

Bus1ness Eastern Europe

Le Courier des Pays de l'Est (Paris)

Current Digest of the Soviet Press

Eastern Europe Report

Eastwest Markets

Moscow Narodny Bank. Press Bulletin

New York Times

Radio Liberty Research Bulletin

The Reuter East-West Trade News

Soviet and Eastern European Foreign Trade

Soviet Business and Trade

Wash1ngton Post

B. Soviet

Avtomobil'naia promyshlennost'

224

B. Soviet (cont.)

Avtomobil'nyy transport

Ekonomicheskaia gazeta

Ekonomika i organizatsiia promyshlennogo

proizvodstvo

Izvestiia

Mirovaia ekonomika i mezhdunarodnye

otnosheniia

Planovoe khoziaistvo

Pravda

Sotsialisticheskaia industriia

SShA: Ekonomika, politika, ideologiia

Vneshniaia tor~ovlia

Voprosy ekonom1ki

Za rulem

225