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Increasing tensions between [[Manuel Noriega]]'s dictatorship and the US government led to the [[United States invasion of Panama]] in 1989, which ended in Noriega's overthrow.<ref>{{cite news |last1=Pizzurno |first1=Patricia |last2=Andrés Araúz |first2=Celestino |name-list-style=amp |title=Estados Unidos invade Panamá Crónica de una invasión anunciada |language=es |url=http://www.critica.com.pa/archivo/historia/f14-01.html |url-status=dead |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20060421073615/http://www.critica.com.pa/archivo/historia/f14-01.html |archive-date=April 21, 2006 |df=dmy-all}}{{full citation needed|date=December 2014}} According to this piece, the PDF had 16,000 troops, but only 3,000 of them were trained for combat: "Para entonces las Fuerzas de Defensa poseían 16.000 efectivos, de los cuales apenas 3.000 estaban entrenados para el combate."</ref>
Increasing tensions between [[Manuel Noriega]]'s dictatorship and the US government led to the [[United States invasion of Panama]] in 1989, which ended in Noriega's overthrow.<ref>{{cite news |last1=Pizzurno |first1=Patricia |last2=Andrés Araúz |first2=Celestino |name-list-style=amp |title=Estados Unidos invade Panamá Crónica de una invasión anunciada |language=es |url=http://www.critica.com.pa/archivo/historia/f14-01.html |url-status=dead |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20060421073615/http://www.critica.com.pa/archivo/historia/f14-01.html |archive-date=April 21, 2006 |df=dmy-all}}{{full citation needed|date=December 2014}} According to this piece, the PDF had 16,000 troops, but only 3,000 of them were trained for combat: "Para entonces las Fuerzas de Defensa poseían 16.000 efectivos, de los cuales apenas 3.000 estaban entrenados para el combate."</ref>

=== Venezuela ===
{{See also|Foreign involvement in the Venezuelan presidential crisis}}
The [[United States National Security Council]] (NSC) during the administration of [[Donald Trump]] set a roadmap for policy towards Venezuela, believing that small [[sanctions against Venezuela]] would persuade Venezuelan [[Nicolás Maduro]] to ensure open elections in the upcoming [[2018 Venezuelan presidential election]].{{sfn|Neuman|2022|pp=194–196}} Sanctions on the oil industry were considered to be a "doomsday sanction" since it would have affected ordinary Venezuelans.{{sfn|Neuman|2022|pp=194–196}} Cuban-Americans, Nicaraguan-Americans and Venezuelan-Americans advocated for what Neuman describes as a "reverse [[domino theory]]", the idea that control over Venezuela's oil funds could prevent the funding of Cuba and Nicaragua, resulting with changes in their governments.{{sfn|Neuman|2022|pp=199-200}} Following the [[2017 Venezuelan Constituent Assembly election]], which the Venezuelan opposition boycotted, [[H. R. McMaster]] described Maduro as a "dictator" and the United States sanctioned him.{{sfn|Neuman|2022|pp=201-202}} President Trump became impatient with policy towards Venezuela and said during an interview at his golf club in New Jersey that the United States had "many options for Venezuela, including a possible military option, if necessary."{{sfn|Neuman|2022|pp=201-203}} The entrance of [[John Bolton]] as Trump's National Security Advisor in April 2018 led to increased tension with Venezuela.{{sfn|Neuman|2022|pp=201-203}} May 2018 presidential elections in Venezuela were also boycotted by the opposition and Maduro won amid low turnout.{{sfn|Neuman|2022|pp=205-206}} US officials met with members of the [[National Bolivarian Armed Forces of Venezuela]] that year to discuss coup plans, though discussions ceased after some of the plotters were arrested.<ref>{{Cite news |date=8 September 2018 |title=Trump Administration Discussed Coup Plans With Rebel Venezuelan Officers |work=[[The New York Times]] |url=https://www.nytimes.com/2018/09/08/world/americas/donald-trump-venezuela-military-coup.html}}</ref> Bolton said in a 1 November 2018 speech prior to the [[2018 United States elections]] that the Trump administration would confront the "[[Troika of tyranny]]" and remove leftist governments in Cuba, Nicaragua and Venezuela.{{sfn|Neuman|2022|pp=201-203}}

In January 2019, [[Leopoldo López]]'s [[Popular Will]] party attained the leadership of the [[National Assembly (Venezuela)|National Assembly of Venezuela]] according to a rotation agreement made by opposition parties, naming [[Juan Guaidó]] as president of the legislative body.{{sfn|Neuman|2022|pp=210}} Days after Guaidó was sworn in, he and López reached out to the [[United States Department of State]] and presented the idea that Guaidó would be named interim president and that the United States could lead other nations to support Guaidó in an effort to remove Maduro; former [[Director of the Central Intelligence Agency]] and Secretary of State [[Mike Pompeo]] approved of the idea.{{sfn|Neuman|2022|pp=211-217}} Though the National Assembly sought to assume executive power from Maduro itself, López and Guaidó continued to work with the State Department without the knowledge of other opposition groups since they believed their objectives would be blocked.{{sfn|Neuman|2022|pp=211-217}} State Department official Keith Mines wrote on 20 January that Guaidó declaring himself president "could have the impact of causing the regime to crumble in the face of widespread and overwhelming public support" and on 22 January, Vice President [[Mike Pence]] called Guaidó personally and told him that the United States would support his declaration.{{sfn|Neuman|2022|pp=211-217}} Neuman wrote that "it's likely that more people in Washington than in Venezuela knew what was going to happen."{{sfn|Neuman|2022|pp=211-217}}

On 23 January 2019, Guaidó held a meeting with the National Assembly and did not tell them of his intention to declare himself president; only one politician, [[Stalin González]], was told beforehand and was left "stunned".{{sfn|Neuman|2022|pp=211-217}} Guaidó, declared himself the acting President of the country, disputing Maduro's presidency and sparking a [[Venezuelan presidential crisis|presidential crisis]]. Minutes after the declaration, the United States announced that it recognized Guaidó as president of Venezuela while presidents [[Iván Duque]] of Colombia and [[Jair Bolsonaro]] of Brazil, beside Canadian prime minister [[Chrystia Freeland]], made an abrupt announcement at the [[World Economic Forum]] that they too recognized Guaidó.{{sfn|Neuman|2022|pp=211-217}}<ref>{{Cite news|date=2019-01-24|title=US says it now backs Venezuela opposition|language=en-GB|work=BBC News|url=https://www.bbc.com/news/world-latin-america-46980913|access-date=2019-01-24}}</ref> US [[Vice president of the United States|Vice President]] [[Mike Pence]] stated in April that the US was set on Maduro's removal, whether through diplomatic or other means, and that "all options" were on the table.<ref>{{cite news|date=10 April 2019|title=Pence says US wants Maduro out and 'all options' on table|work=ABC News|url=https://abcnews.go.com/International/wireStory/urged-declare-venezuela-humanitarian-emergency-62299025|access-date=8 January 2020}}</ref> [[United States Secretary of State|Secretary of State]] [[Mike Pompeo]] said that the US would take military action "if required".<ref>{{cite news|date=1 May 2019|title=Venezuela news: State uses tear gas on protestors as Pompeo threatens US military action|url=https://www.independent.co.uk/news/world/americas/venezuela-news-update-live-us-military-guaido-maduro-protest-latest-coup-uprising-a8895041.html|access-date=8 January 2020}}</ref> A memo obtained by [[Agence France-Presse]] in July 2019 said that the [[United States Agency for International Development|US Agency for International Development]] would divert $41.9 million to promote Guaidó, including $19.4 million for salaries and stipends for Guaidó's staff, covering their travel, and "other costs necessary to ensure full deployment of a transparent financial management system and other activities necessary for a democratic transition," as well as $2 million to support the opposition in negotiations with the Maduro administration.<ref>{{Cite news |date=18 July 2019 |title=US diverts Central America aid to boost Venezuela's Guaido |work=AFP |publisher=[[Yahoo News]] |url=https://news.yahoo.com/us-diverts-central-america-aid-boost-venezuelas-guaido-205443818.html |access-date=4 January 2020}}</ref> In December 2019, Pompeo then stated that the United States did not plan a military intervention in Venezuela, saying that "we have said that all options are on the table", but that "we have learned from history that the risks from using military force are significant".<ref>{{Cite news|date=2 December 2019|title=Pompeo defends military restraint on Venezuela|work=[[France 24]]|url=https://www.france24.com/en/20191202-pompeo-defends-military-restraint-on-venezuela|access-date=8 January 2020}}</ref> In August 2019, President [[Donald Trump]]'s administration imposed new additional sanctions on Venezuela as part of their efforts to remove Maduro from office, ordering a freeze on all Venezuelan government assets in the [[United States]] and barring transactions with US citizens and companies.<ref>{{cite news|title=UN rights chief decries latest US sanctions targeting Venezuela|newspaper=The Guardian|url=https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/aug/09/un-rights-chief-decries-latest-us-sanctions-venezuela-michelle-bachelet|access-date=9 August 2019}}</ref><ref>{{Cite news|last1=Crowley|first1=Michael|last2=Kurmanaev|first2=Anatoly|date=2019-08-06|title=Trump Imposes New Sanctions on Venezuela|work=The New York Times|url=https://www.nytimes.com/2019/08/06/us/politics/venezuela-embargo-sanctions.html|access-date=2020-01-02|issn=0362-4331}}</ref>

Guaidó would ultimately never control Venezuela's institutions and would be removed from the interim president position by the National Assembly in December 2022.<ref name="Armas-2022">{{Cite news |last=Armas |first=Mayela |date=31 December 2022 |title=Venezuela opposition removes interim President Guaido |language=en |work=[[Reuters]] |url=https://www.reuters.com/world/americas/venezuela-opposition-removes-interim-president-guaido-2022-12-31/ |access-date=31 December 2022}}</ref><ref>{{Cite web |last=Martínez |first=Deisy |date=30 December 2022 |title=AN de 2015 aprueba su extensión por otro año y elimina gobierno interino |trans-title=2015 NA approves its extension for one more year and eliminates interim government |url=https://efectococuyo.com/politica/an-de-2015-aprueba-su-extension-por-un-ano-mas-y-elimina-gobierno-interino/ |access-date=31 December 2022 |website=[[Efecto Cocuyo]] |language=es}}</ref>


== See also ==
== See also ==
Line 89: Line 79:
==References==
==References==
{{Reflist}}
{{Reflist}}

=== Bilbiography ===

* {{Cite book |last=Neuman |first=William |title=[[Things Are Never So Bad That They Can't Get Worse: Inside the Collapse of Venezuela]] |publisher=[[St. Martin's Press]] |year=2022 |isbn=978-1250266163 |edition=1st |language=en}}


==External links==
==External links==

Revision as of 08:28, 24 October 2023

United States involvement in regime change in Latin America

The participation of the United States in regime change in Latin America involved US-backed coup d'états which were aimed at replacing left-wing leaders with right-wing leaders, military juntas, or authoritarian regimes.[1] Intervention of an economic and military variety was prevalent during the Cold War. Although originally in line with the Truman Doctrine of containment, United States involvement in regime change would increase after the drafting of NSC 68, which advocated more aggressive actions against potential Soviet allies.[2]

In the early 20th century, during the "Banana Republic" era of Latin American history, the U.S. launched several interventions and invasions in the region (known as the Banana Wars) in order to promote American business interests.[1] United States influenced regime change in this period of Latin American history started after the signing of the Treaty of Paris in the wake of the Spanish-American War. Cuba gained its independence, while Puerto Rico and the Philippines were occupied by the United States.[3] Expansive and imperialist U.S. foreign policy combined with new economic prospects led to increased U.S. intervention in Latin America from 1898 to the early 1930s.[4] Continued activities lasted into the late 20th century.

History

Argentina

Jorge Rafael Videla meeting Jimmy Carter in 1977

In Argentina, military forces overthrew the democratically elected President Isabel Perón in the 1976 Argentine coup d'état, starting the military dictatorship of General Jorge Rafael Videla, known as the National Reorganization Process. The coup was accepted and tacitly supported by the Ford administration[5] and the U.S. government had close relations with the ensuing authoritarian regime, with U.S. Secretary of State Henry Kissinger paying several official visits to Argentina during the dictatorship.[6][7][8]

Bolivia

The US government supported the 1971 coup led by General Hugo Banzer that toppled President Juan José Torres of Bolivia.[9] Torres had displeased Washington by convening an "Asamblea del Pueblo" (Assembly of the People), in which representatives of specific proletarian sectors of society were represented (miners, unionized teachers, students, peasants), and more generally by leading the country in what was perceived as a left wing direction. Banzer hatched a bloody military uprising starting on August 18, 1971, that succeeded in taking the reins of power by August 22, 1971. After Banzer took power, the US provided extensive military and other aid to the Banzer dictatorship.[10][11] Torres, who had fled Bolivia, was kidnapped and assassinated in 1976 as part of Operation Condor, the US-supported campaign of political repression and state terrorism by South American right-wing dictators.[12][13][14]

Brazil

Brazil experienced several decades of authoritarian governments, especially after the US-backed[15] 1964 Brazilian coup d'état against social democrat João Goulart. Under then-President John F. Kennedy, the US sought to "prevent Brazil from becoming another China or Cuba", a policy which was carried forward under Lyndon B. Johnson and which led to US military support for the coup in April 1964.[16][17] According to Vincent Bevins, the topping of João Goulart was one of the most significant victories for the U.S. during the Cold War, as the military dictatorship established in Brazil, the fifth most populous nation in the world, "played a crucial role in pushing the rest of South America into the pro-Washington, anticommunist group of nations."[18]

Chile

Augusto Pinochet meeting George H. W. Bush

After the democratic election of President Salvador Allende in 1970, an economic war ordered by President Richard Nixon,[19] among other things, caused the 1973 Chilean coup d'état with the involvement of the CIA[20] due to Allende's democratic socialist leanings. What followed was the decades-long US-backed military dictatorship of Augusto Pinochet.[21] In 1988 a presidential referendum was held in order to confirm Pinochet's ruling for 8 more years. The oppositional Concertation of Parties for Democracy endorsed the "No" option, winning the referendum and ending Pinochet's rule democratically. After that, free elections were held in 1989 with Concertation winning again.[22][23][24]

A declassified report from the U.S. government "Annex-NSSM 97" details the plan developed in 1970 to overthrow President Allende were he to take office.[25] The document explicitly states that the U.S. government's role should not be revealed and would primarily use Chilean institutions as a means of ousting the President. The Chilean military is highlighted as the best means to achieve this goal. The benefits of a coup initiated by the military are to reduce the threat of Marxism in Latin America and to disarm a potential threat to the United States.[26]

Cuba

Fidel Castro visiting Washington D.C. after the Cuban Revolution

During the late 1800s, the U.S. sought to expand its economic interests by developing an economy overseas.[27] This sentiment helped expand support for the Spanish-American War and Cuban liberation despite the U.S. previously establishing itself as anti-independence and revolution.[27] America's victory in the war ended Spanish rule over Cuba, but promptly replaced it with American military occupation of the island from 1898–1902.[28]

After the end of the military occupation in 1902, the U.S. continued to exert significant influence over Cuba with policies like the Platt Amendment.[29] In subsequent years American forces regularly invaded and intervened in Cuba, with the U.S. military occupying Cuba again from 1906–1909, and U.S. marines being sent to Cuba from 1917–1922 to protect American-owned sugar plantations.[30]: 74  The United States also supported Cuban dictator Fulgencio Batista as his policies benefited American business interests.[31]

After the Cuban Revolution and Fidel Castro's rise to power, American relations with Cuba became increasingly hostile. American forces trained, supplied, and supported the Cuban exiles who attempted to overthrow Castro in the Bay of Pigs Invasion of 1961, but the invasion was defeated and Castro retained control. In subsequent decades, American intelligence operatives made numerous attempts to assassinate Castro, but these ultimately failed as well.

Dominican Republic

Trujillo in 1952

In May 1961, the ruler of the Dominican Republic, right-wing dictator Rafael Trujillo, was murdered with weapons supplied by the United States Central Intelligence Agency (CIA).[32][33] An internal CIA memorandum states that a 1973 Office of Inspector General investigation into the murder disclosed "quite extensive Agency involvement with the plotters". The CIA described its role in "changing" the government of the Dominican Republic as a 'success' in that it assisted in moving the Dominican Republic from a totalitarian dictatorship to a Western-style democracy.[34][35] Socialist Juan Bosch, whose propaganda and institute for political training had received some CIA funding via the J. M. Kaplan Fund, was elected president of the Dominican Republic in its first free elections, in December 1962. Bosch was deposed by a right-wing coup in September 1963. American President Lyndon Johnson intervened into the 1965 Dominican Civil War by sending American troops to help end the war and prevent supporters of the deposed Bosch from taking over. On July 1, 1966, elections were held with Joaquín Balaguer winning against Bosch.[36]

Guatemala

Peasants and workers (mostly of indigenous descent) revolt during the first half of the 20th century due to harsh living conditions and the abuse from landlords and the government-supported American United Fruit Company. This revolt was repressed, but led to the democratic election of Jacobo Arbenz. Arbenz was overthrown during the 1954 Guatemalan coup d'état, endorsed by the United States.[37]

Haiti

Black and white photo of a man standing among bodies lying on the ground
American poses with dead Haitians killed by U.S. Marine machine gun fire on October 11, 1915

The United States had been interested in controlling Haiti in the decades following its independence from France in the early nineteenth century.[38] By the twentieth century, the United States had become Haiti's largest trade partner, replacing France, with American businesses expanding their presence in Haiti.[39] Businesses from the United States had pursued the control of Haiti for years and in 1909, the new president of National City Bank of New York, Frank A. Vanderlip, began to plan the bank's take over of Haiti's finances as part of his larger role of making the bank grow in international markets.[40][41][42] From 1910 to 1911, the United States Department of State backed a consortium of American investors – headed by the National City Bank of New York – to acquire a managing stake of the National Bank of Haiti to create the Bank of the Republic of Haiti (BNRH), with the new bank often holding payments from the Haitian government, leading to unrest.[41][43][44][45] American diplomats would ultimately draft plans to take over Haiti's finances, dubbed the "Farnham Plan", named after the vice president of National City Bank, Roger Leslie Farnham.[46]

Haitian opposition to the plan resulted with the BNRH withheld funds from the Haitian government and funded rebels to destabilize the Haitian government in order to justify American intervention, generating 12% gains in interest by holding on to the funds.[47][48] When the caco-supported anti-American Rosalvo Bobo emerged as the next president of Haiti in 1915 following the lynching of President Vilbrun Guillaume Sam, who was killed after executing hundreds of political opponents, the United States government decided to act quickly to preserve its economic dominance and invaded Haiti[49] During the occupation, Haiti had three new presidents, though the United States ruled as a military regime through martial law led by Marines and the Gendarmerie. Two major rebellions against the occupation occurred, resulting in several thousand Haitians killed, and numerous human rights violations – including torture and summary executions – being perpetrated by Marines and the Gendarmerie.[38][45][50][51][52] A corvée system of forced labor was used by the United States for infrastructure projects, that resulted in hundreds to thousands of deaths.[45][52] Under the occupation, most Haitians continued to live in poverty, while American personnel were well-compensated.[53] The U.S. retained influence on Haiti's external finances until 1947, as per the 1919 treaty that required an American financial advisor through the life of Haiti's acquired loan.[54][55]

Nicaragua

United States Marines with the captured flag of Augusto César Sandino in 1932

In 1912, during the Banana Wars period, the U.S. occupied Nicaragua as a means of protecting American business interests and protecting the rights that Nicaragua granted to the United States to construct a canal there.[56] The intervention, utilizing the U.S. Marine Corps, was sparked by a rebellion that opposed the United States. After quelling the rebellion, the U.S. continued occupying Nicaragua until 1933, when President Herbert Hoover officially ended the occupation.[57]

Panama

Increasing tensions between Manuel Noriega's dictatorship and the US government led to the United States invasion of Panama in 1989, which ended in Noriega's overthrow.[58]

See also

References

  1. ^ a b Schenoni, Luis and Scott Mainwaring (2019). "US hegemony and regime change in Latin America". Democratization. 26 (2): 269–287. doi:10.1080/13510347.2018.1516754. S2CID 150297685.
  2. ^ Heuser, Beatrice. “NSC 68 and the Soviet Threat: a New Perspective on Western Threat Perception and Policy Making.” Review of International Studies 17, no. 1 (1991): 17–40. doi:10.1017/S0260210500112306.
  3. ^ "The Spanish-American War - The World of 1898: The Spanish-American War (Hispanic Division, Library of Congress)". www.loc.gov. Retrieved March 16, 2021.
  4. ^ Gilderhusrt, Mark T. (2000). Ewell, Judith; Beezley, William H. (eds.). The Second Century: U.S.–Latin American Relations Since 1889. Rowman & Littlefield Publishers. p. 49. ISBN 978-0-8420-2414-3.
  5. ^ "Argentina's Military Coup of 1976: What the U.S. Knew". National Security Archive. March 23, 2021. Retrieved May 20, 2021.
  6. ^ "Kissinger approved Argentinian 'dirty war'". The Guardian. December 6, 2003. Retrieved March 19, 2015.
  7. ^ "Transcript: U.S. OK'd 'dirty war'" (PDF). The Miami Herald. December 4, 2003.
  8. ^ Goni, Uki (July 22, 2016). "How an Argentinian man learned his 'father' may have killed his real parents". The Guardian. Retrieved July 22, 2016.
  9. ^ "Alliance for Power: U.S. Aid to Bolivia Under Banzer". NACLA. Retrieved November 25, 2022.
  10. ^ Schipani, Andres (March 5, 2009). "Hidden cells reveal Bolivia's dark past". BBC News. Retrieved November 25, 2022.
  11. ^ "Obituary: Hugo Banzer". the Guardian. May 6, 2002. Retrieved November 25, 2022.
  12. ^ "OPERATION CONDOR ON TRIAL: LEGAL PROCEEDINGS ON LATIN AMERICAN RENDITION AND ASSASSINATION PROGRAM OPEN IN BUENOS AIRES". nsarchive2.gwu.edu. Retrieved November 25, 2022.
  13. ^ Blakeley, Ruth (2009). State Terrorism and Neoliberalism: The North in the South. Routledge. p. 22 & 23. ISBN 978-0-415-68617-4.
  14. ^ McSherry, J. Patrice (2011). "Chapter 5: "Industrial repression" and Operation Condor in Latin America". In Esparza, Marcia; Henry R. Huttenbach; Daniel Feierstein (eds.). State Violence and Genocide in Latin America: The Cold War Years (Critical Terrorism Studies). Routledge. p. 107. ISBN 978-0-415-66457-8.
  15. ^ Skidmore, Thomas (1999). The Politics of Military Rule in Brazil, 1964-1985.
  16. ^ "National Security Archive". National Security Archive.
  17. ^ "The Day That Lasted 21 Years (O Dia Que Durou 21 Anos): Rio Review". The Hollywood Reporter. October 9, 2012.
  18. ^ Bevins, Vincent (2020). The Jakarta Method: Washington's Anticommunist Crusade and the Mass Murder Program that Shaped Our World. PublicAffairs. pp. 1–2. ISBN 978-1541742406.
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  21. ^ "CIA Activities in Chile — Central Intelligence Agency". Cia.gov. Archived from the original on June 12, 2007. Retrieved January 23, 2013.
  22. ^ Corte revoca mayoría de procesamientos en caso Riggs, El Mercurio, 3 January 2007 (in Spanish)
  23. ^ Pinochet family arrested in Chile, BBC, 4 October 2007 (in English)
  24. ^ Cobertura Especial: Detienen a familia y principales colaboradores de Pinochet, La Tercera, 4 October 2007 (in Spanish) Archived 11 October 2007 at the Wayback Machine
  25. ^ https://nsarchive.gwu.edu/documents/extreme-option-overthrow-allende/01.pdf [bare URL PDF]
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  32. ^ Kross, Peter (December 9, 2018). "The Assassination of Rafael Trujillo". Sovereign Media. Archived from the original on August 28, 2018. Retrieved January 17, 2019.
  33. ^ "The Kaplans of the CIA - Approved For Release 2001/03/06 CIA-RDP84-00499R001000100003-2" (PDF). Central Intelligence Agency. November 24, 1972. pp. 3–6. Archived from the original (PDF) on January 23, 2017. Retrieved January 17, 2019.
  34. ^ CIA "Family Jewels" Memo, 1973 (see page 434) Family Jewels (Central Intelligence Agency)
  35. ^ Ameringer, Charles D. (January 1, 1990). U.S. Foreign Intelligence: The Secret Side of American history (1990 ed.). Lexington Books. ISBN 978-0669217803.
  36. ^ Iber, Patrick (April 24, 2013). ""Who Will Impose Democracy?": Sacha Volman and the Contradictions of CIA Support for the Anticommunist Left in Latin America". Diplomatic History. 37 (5): 995–1028. doi:10.1093/dh/dht041.
  37. ^ Doyle, Kate; Osorio, Carlos (2013). "U.S. policy in Guatemala, 1966–1996". National Security Archive. National Security Archive Electronic. George Washington University. Retrieved August 18, 2014.
  38. ^ a b "U.S. Invasion and Occupation of Haiti, 1915–34". United States Department of State. July 13, 2007. Archived from the original on November 20, 2019. Retrieved February 24, 2021.
  39. ^ Bauduy, Jennifer (2015). "The 1915 U.S. Invasion of Haiti: Examining a Treaty of Occupation". Social Education. 79 (5): 244–249.
  40. ^ Hubert, Giles A. (January 1947). "War and the Trade Orientation of Haiti". Southern Economic Journal. 13 (3): 276–284. doi:10.2307/1053341. JSTOR 1053341.
  41. ^ a b Gamio, Lazaro; Méheut, Constant; Porter, Catherine; Gebrekidan, Selam; McCann, Allison; Apuzzo, Matt (May 20, 2022). "Haiti's Lost Billions". The New York Times. ISSN 0362-4331. Retrieved May 24, 2022.
  42. ^ Hudson, Peter James (2017). Bankers and Empire: How Wall Street Colonized the Caribbean. University of Chicago Press. p. 116. ISBN 9780226459257.
  43. ^ Apuzzo, Matt; Méheut, Constant; Gebrekidan, Selam; Porter, Catherine (May 20, 2022). "How a French Bank Captured Haiti". The New York Times. ISSN 0362-4331. Retrieved May 24, 2022.
  44. ^ Douglas, Paul H. from Occupied Haiti, ed. Emily Greene Balch (New York, 1972), 15–52 reprinted in: Money Doctors, Foreign Debts, and Economic Reforms in Latin America. Wilmington, Delaware: Edited by Paul W. Drake, 1994.
  45. ^ a b c Gebrekidan, Selam; Apuzzo, Matt; Porter, Catherine; Méheut, Constant (May 20, 2022). "Invade Haiti, Wall Street Urged. The U.S. Obliged". The New York Times. ISSN 0362-4331. Retrieved May 24, 2022.
  46. ^ Gebrekidan, Selam; Apuzzo, Matt; Porter, Catherine; Méheut, Constant (May 20, 2022). "Invade Haiti, Wall Street Urged. The U.S. Obliged". The New York Times. ISSN 0362-4331. Retrieved May 24, 2022.
  47. ^ Gebrekidan, Selam; Apuzzo, Matt; Porter, Catherine; Méheut, Constant (May 20, 2022). "Invade Haiti, Wall Street Urged. The U.S. Obliged". The New York Times. ISSN 0362-4331. Retrieved May 24, 2022.
  48. ^ Schmidt, Hans (1995). The United States Occupation of Haiti, 1915–1934. Rutgers University Press. pp. 43–54.
  49. ^ Weinstein, Segal 1984, p.28
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  56. ^ "Intervention in Nicaragua". Teaching American History. Retrieved March 16, 2021.
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  58. ^ Pizzurno, Patricia & Andrés Araúz, Celestino. "Estados Unidos invade Panamá Crónica de una invasión anunciada" (in Spanish). Archived from the original on 21 April 2006.[full citation needed] According to this piece, the PDF had 16,000 troops, but only 3,000 of them were trained for combat: "Para entonces las Fuerzas de Defensa poseían 16.000 efectivos, de los cuales apenas 3.000 estaban entrenados para el combate."

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