For other uses, see Iraq war (disambiguation)

The Iraq War (2003-present) is a military engagement encompassing the invasion and occupation of Iraq by a U.S.-led coalition and an ongoing asymmetrical war between an insurgency and coalition troops. The causes and consequences of the war remain the subject of much controversy.^[5][6][7] Although an official declaration of war has not been made,^[8][9][10] U.S. President George W. Bush has stated that the war is part of an ongoing conflict called the War on Terrorism.^[11]

From April, 1991 and the formation of UNSCOM, Iraq had been under ongoing pressure by the United Nations to declare and destroy its biological and chemical weapons. In total the UN had passed 13 resolutions calling for complete access of UNSCOM and IAEA officials to locate and destroy all weapons of mass destruction.^[12] In July 2002 ministers were warned that Britain was committed to participating in a U.S. invasion of Iraq, and had to find a way of making it legal. Tony Blair had agreed to back military action to oust Saddam Hussein with an assessment regarding on WMD, at a summit at President George W. Bushs' Texas ranch. Present at the meeting, also, were Geoff Hoon, then defence secretary, Jack Straw, the foreign secretary, and Sir Richard Dearlove, then chief of MI6.^[13] Beginning in September, 2002, an Iraq disarmament crisis emerged due to claims that Iraq did not fully comply with previous UN resolutions.^[14] On October 16, 2002 an Authorization for Use of Military Force Against Iraq Resolution of 2002 was passed in the United States House of Congress. In November, 2002, U.N. Security Council Resolution 1441 was passed unanimously demanding that Iraq comply with its disarmament obligations as well as previous resolutions on human rights, terrorism and prisoners of war. Iraq agreed to the resolution and UNMOVIC began inspections on November 18, 2002, replacing UNSCOM which had previously been in charge of monitoring Iraq since April 3, 1991.^[12][15] Four months later on March 7, 2003, head of the inspectors, Hans Blix made his last presentation to the U.N. describing Iraq's cooperation in resolving oustanding issues as "active or even proactive," he went on to state "these initiatives three to four months into the new resolution cannot be said to constitute immediate cooperation."^[16] After failed attempts to get a United Nations Security Council resolution supporting military action against Iraq,^[17] the United States unilaterally delivered an ultimatum on March 17, 2003, demanding that Saddam Hussein leave Iraq within 48 hours.^[18] On March 18, 2003 the U.S. announced the formation of the "Coalition of the willing".^[19][16][20] On March 20, 2003 the 2003 Invasion of Iraq began, led by the United States and the United Kingdom, and the "Coalition of the Willing".^[21]

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After the 1991 Gulf War, U.N. Resolutions were passed to impose sanctions on the Saddam regime until it was verified that their Weapons of Mass Destruction were destroyed. Starting in the aftermath of the war and continuing until 1998, UNSCOM inspected Iraq, locating and destroying large quantities of chemical agents, nuclear related equipment and other prohibited materials.^[12][22][23] Conflict between Iraq and the U.N. developed during 1998, however, which led to the withdrawal of the U.N. and the authorization of a bombing campaign by the Clinton administration to "degrade Saddam's capacity to develop and deliver weapons of mass destruction, and to degrade his ability to threaten his neighbors".^[24][25][26]

Reasons for the invasion and occupation as stated by the United States in 2002 before the Iraq invasion are controversial, having varied over time. The first calls for war on Iraq came from the Project for the New American Century (PNAC), and the American Enterprise Institute, with arguments based largely on the alleged threat that Saddam posed to American interests in the region, and the project of American influence into the next century. These reasons were not those given by the Bush administration of the United States and have never been recognized by the government.

Beginning with a speech to the United Nations General Assembly on September 12, 2002 President George W. Bush began a public campaign to convince the world that Saddam Hussein was violating prior resolutions on: weapons of mass destruction, human rights, Kuwaiti prisoners of war, terrorism, long range SCUD missiles, the U.N. Oil-for-Food Programme and allowing UN inspectors to return to Iraq after their removal in 1998.^[27] Despite repeated claims by President Bush to the contrary, continuing even recently,^{[28][29][30][31][32]} Iraq agreed to allow inspectors back into the country on September 17, 2002.^[33][34] Inspections began after the passage of U.N. Resolution 1441 on November 18, 2002.^[35]

On October 10, 2002 the 107th Congress of the United States passed HJ Res 114 titled "Authorization for Use of Military Force Against Iraq Resolution of 2002." Among the reasons noted in the Congressional resolution authorizing force were, Iraq's non-compliance with U.N. Security Council Resolution 1441,^[36] aid to terrorists (PALF),^[37][38] a 1993 assassination attempt on former President George H. W. Bush (George W. Bush's father)^[39] and violations of the no-fly zones.^[40]

In a January 27, 2003 report to the U.N., chief inspector Hans Blix, while noting Iraqi cooperation with regards to prompt access to inspection sites, stated "...Iraq appears not to have come to a genuine acceptance, not even today, of the disarmament which was demanded of it and which it needs to carry out to win the confidence of the world and to live in peace." The reasons for this include a failure to account for quantities of VX nerve agent and anthrax and also the inability of the U.N. to interview Iraqi scientists outside the country.^[41]

On February 5, 2003 Colin Powell attempted to convince the UN Security Council of the threat Saddam Hussein's regime posed.^[42] The Bush administration also claimed that Iraq had ties to al Qaeda and other terrorists organizations, including the Palestinian Arab Liberation Front (PALF).^{[43][44][45][46]} Bush administration officials also claimed that Iraq was reconstituting their development of nuclear weapons.^[47] Powell later stated he regretted making those accusations in light of subsequent failure to find any WMD in Iraq or links to Al Qaeda on top of the fact that most of it could not be substantiated by undisputed evidence.

Despite these efforts to sway public opinion the invasion of Iraq was seen by many as a violation of international law, breaking the UN Charter (see Legitimacy of the 2003 invasion of Iraq).^[48] especially since the U.S. failed to secure U.N. support for an invasion of Iraq. In 41 countries the majority of the populace did not support an invasion of Iraq without U.N. sanction and half said an invasion should not occur under any circumstances,^[49] except in the U.S. where 73 percent of Americans supported an invasion.^[50] To build international support the United States formed a "Coalition of the Willing" with U.K., Italy and several other countries despite a majority of citizens in these countries opposing the invasion.^[50] Massive protests on the war have occured in both domestic and abroad.^[51][52][53] At the time of the invasion UNMOVIC inspectors were ordered out by the United Nations. The inspectors requested more time as they were unable to account for the destruction of all proscribed items in the four months since inspections had resumed.^[54][16]

Following the disputed invasion neither nuclear weapons nor weapons of mass destruction were found in Iraq, nor could the allegation of links with Al Qaeda be substantiated. President George W. Bush has since admitted that "much of the intelligence turned out to be wrong".^[55][56][57] Colin Powell later expressed regret about his presentation at the UN Security Council.^[58]

Although evidence of WMD was searched for by the Iraq Survey Group, their Final Report of September 2004, stated "While a small number of old, abandoned chemical munitions have been discovered, ISG judges that Iraq unilaterally destroyed its undeclared chemical weapons stockpile in 1991. There are no credible indications that Baghdad resumed production of chemical munitions thereafter, a policy ISG attributes to Baghdad’s desire to see sanctions lifted, or rendered ineffectual, or its fear of force against it should WMD be discovered."^[59] In the March 2005 Addendum to the Report, the Special Advisor furthermore went on to state that "ISG assesses that Iraq and Coalition Forces will continue to discover small numbers of degraded chemical weapons, which the former Regime mislaid or improperly destroyed prior to 1991. ISG believes the bulk of these weapons were likely abandoned, forgotten and lost during the Iran-Iraq war because tens of thousands of CW munitions were forward deployed along frequently and rapidly shifting battlefronts."^[60] (For comparison, the U.S. Department of Defense itself was famously unable in 1998 to report the whereabouts of "56 airplanes, 32 tanks and 36 Javelin command launch units".^[61])

According to opinion polls, the war was unpopular from the outset in nearly all Coalition countries, widely viewed as counterproductive, improper, or even illegal; only since summer 2005 has this been the majority case in the United States.^[62][63]

In Europe the peace movement was very strong.^[64][65] Ten NATO member countries did not join the coalition with the U.S., and their leaders made public statements in opposition to the invasion of Iraq. Public perceptions of the U.S. changed dramatically as a consequence of the invasion.^[66] Especially in Germany, where traumatic experiences in the Second World War are still remembered,^[67] three quarters of the population were opposed to the war.^[68]

Other possible U.S. objectives, denied by the U.S. government but acknowledged by Retired U.S. General Jay Garner, included the establishment of permanent U.S. military bases in Iraq as a way of projecting power (creating a credible threat of U.S. military intervention) to the oil-rich Gulf region and the Middle East generally. Jay Garner, who was in charge of planning and administering post-war reconstruction in Iraq, explained that the U.S. occupation of Iraq was comparable to the Philippine model: "Look back on the Philippines around the turn of the 20th century: they were a coaling station for the navy, and that allowed us to keep a great presence in the Pacific. That's what Iraq is for the next few decades: our coaling station that gives us great presence in the Middle East";^[69] (See also Philippine-American War). Its noted retired U.S. General Jay Garner was replaced by Paul Bremer after reports came out of his position in SY Coleman, a division of defense contractor L-3 Communications specializing in missile- defense systems. It was believed his role in the company was in contention with his role in Iraq.^[70] The House Appropriations Committee, said of the report accompanying the emergency spending legislation was "of a magnitude normally associated with permanent bases."^[71]

However, the U.S. House of Representatives voted in 2006 to not fund any permanent bases in Iraq.^[72]

Prior to invasion, the United States and other coalition forces involved in the 1991 Persian Gulf War had been engaged in a low-level conflict with Iraq, by enforcing the two controversial Iraqi no-fly zones in the north and the south of the country. Iraqi air-defense installations were engaged on a fairly regular basis after repeatedly targeting American and British air patrols. In mid-2002, the U.S. began to change its response strategy, by increasing the overall number of missions and selecting targets throughout the no-fly zones in order to disrupt the military command structure in Iraq. A change in enforcement tactics was acknowledged at the time, but it was not made public that this was part of a plan known as Operation Southern Watch.

The weight of bombs dropped increased from none in March 2002 and 0.3 in April 2002 to between 8 and 14 tons per month in May-August, reaching a pre-war peak of 54.6 tons in September - prior to Congress' 11 October authorization of the invasion. In retaliation for the Iraqi's now-daily air defense attacks on coalition aircraft, the September attacks included a 5 September 100-aircraft attack on the main air defence site in western Iraq. According to an editorial by Michael Smith for the The New Statesman, this was "Located at the furthest extreme of the southern no-fly zone, far away from the areas that needed to be patrolled to prevent attacks on the Shias; it was destroyed not because it was a threat to the patrols, but to allow allied special forces operating from Jordan to enter Iraq undetected."^[73] US military personnel stationed at Southern Watch headquarters during this time recall that this attack on this particular Iraqi air defense unit was taken solely in reaction to Iraqi's continued attack on coalition aircraft operating in compliance with the UN-mandated overflights of the Iraq "no-fly" zone.

The 2003 invasion of Iraq, termed "Operation Iraqi Freedom" by the US administration, began on March 20. The United States and the United Kingdom supplied 98% of the invading forces. They cooperated with Kurdish forces in the north which numbered upwards of 50,000. Other nations also participated in part of a coalition force to help with the operation by providing equipment, services and security as well special forces. The 2003 Iraq invasion marked the beginning of what is commonly referred to as the Iraq War.

On May 1, 2003, President Bush made a dramatic visit to the aircraft carrier U.S.S. Abraham Lincoln while the ship was a few miles west of San Diego. The Lincoln was on its way home to Everett, Washington from a long deployment which had included service in the Persian Gulf. The visit climaxed at sunset with his now-legendary "Mission Accomplished" speech. This nationally-televised speech was delivered before an artfully-arranged live audience of colorfully-costumed sailors and airmen on the flight deck. Bush essentially declared victory at this time (even though, admittedly, Saddam Hussein was still at large and some pockets of resistance remained.)

In May of 2003, after the defeat of Iraq's conventional forces, the coalition military noticed a gradually increasing flurry of attacks on the multinational troops in various regions, such as the "Sunni Triangle". In the initial chaos after the fall of the Iraqi government, there was massive looting of infrastructure including; government buildings, official residences, museums, banks, and military depots. According to the Pentagon, 250,000 tons (of 650,000 tons total) of ordnance were looted, providing a significant source of ammunition for the Iraqi insurgency. These looted supplies for the insurgents were further strengthened by the hundreds of weapons caches already created by the conventional Iraqi army and Republican Guard.

At first the resistance stemmed from fedayeen and Saddam Hussein or Ba'ath loyalists, but soon religious radicals and Iraqis angered by the occupation contributed to the insurgency. In late 2004, foreign fighters from around the Middle East as well as al-Qaeda operatives led by Abu Musab al-Zarqawi would help to fund and coordinate the insurgency. The insurgents are generally known to the Coalition forces as Anti-Iraqi Forces or AIF.

The initial insurgency in Iraq was concentrated in, but not limited to, an area referred to by Western media and the occupying forces as the Sunni triangle. This location includes Baghdad.^[74] The three provinces that had the highest number of attacks were Baghdad, Anbar, and Salah Ad Din--these provinces account for 35% of the population. This resistance has been described as a type of guerrilla warfare. Insurgent tactics include mortars, suicide bombers, improvised explosive devices, roadside bombs, small arms fire, and RPGs, as well as sabotage against the oil, water, and electrical infrastructure.

In 2006, three years after the US-led invasion, insurgent attacks on an almost daily basis continue to hamper the development of a unified Iraqi government as well as inflame sectarian tension among Shiites, Sunnis, and Kurds. Insurgents have also resorted to kidnapping civilian journalists and workers. Jill Carroll, a journalist for the Christian Science Monitor, was kidnapped in early 2006, and although later let go, her Iraqi translator was killed.

The post-invasion environment began after the Hussein regime had been overthrown. It centers on Coalition and U.N. efforts to establish a democratic state capable of defending itself,^[75] versus various insurgent demands that the foreign forces leave the country.

Coalition military forces launched several operations around Tigris River peninsula and in the Sunni Triangle. A series of similar operations were launched throughout the summer in the Sunni Triangle. Toward the end of 2003, the intensity and pace of insurgent attacks began to increase. A sharp surge in guerrilla attacks ushered in an insurgent effort that was termed the "Ramadan Offensive", as it coincided with the beginning of the Muslim holy month of Ramadan. Coaliton forces brought to bear the use of air power for the first time since the end of the war.

Suspected ambush sites and mortar launching positions struck from the air and with artillery fire. Surveillance of major routes, patrols, and raids on suspected insurgents were stepped up. In addition, two villages, including Saddam’s birthplace of al-Auja and the small town of Abu Hishma were wrapped in barbed wire and carefully monitored. On 22 July 2003, during a raid by the U.S. 101st Airborne Division and soldiers from Task Force 20, Saddam Hussein's sons (Uday and Qusay) and one of his grandsons were killed.

In the wave of intelligence information fueling the raids on remaining Ba'ath Party members connected to insurgency, Saddam Hussein himself was captured on December 13 2003 on a farm near Tikrit. The operation was conducted by the U.S. Army's 4th Infantry Division and members of Task Force 121.

• Operation Red Dawn (13 December 2003)

With the capture of Saddam and a drop in the number of insurgent attacks (an average of 18 a day), some concluded the multinational forces were prevailing in the fight against the insurgency. With the weather growing cooler, United States forces were able to operate in full armor which reduced their casualty rate. The provisional government began training a security force intended to defend critical infrastructure, and the United States promised over $20 billion in reconstruction money in the form of credit against Iraq's future oil revenues. Of this, less than half a billion dollars had been spent in 10 months after it had been promised. Oil revenues were also claimed to be used for rebuilding schools and for work on the electrical and refining infrastructure.

However, the failure to restore basic services to above pre-war levels, where over a decade of sanctions, bombing, corruption, and decaying infrastructure had left major cities functioning at much-reduced levels, also contributed to local anger at the IPA government headed by an executive council. On 2 July 2003, President Bush declared that American troops would remain in Iraq in spite of the attacks, challenging the opponents with "My answer is, bring 'em on," a line the President later expressed misgivings about having used. ^[1] In the summer of 2003, the multinational forces focused on hunting down the remaining leaders of the former regime, culminating in the shooting deaths of Saddam's two sons in July. In all, over 300 top leaders of the former regime were killed or captured, as well as numerous lesser functionaries and military personnel.

Shortly after the capture of Saddam, elements left out of the Coalition Provisional Authority began to agitate for elections and the formation of a Iraqi Interim Government. Most prominent among these was the Shia cleric Ali al-Sistani. More insurgents stepped up their activities. The two most turbulent centers were the area around Fallujah and the poor Shia sections of cities from Baghdad to Basra in the south.

The start of 2004 was marked by a relative lull in violence. Insurgent forces reorganized during this time, studying the multinational forces' tactics and planning a renewed offensive. Guerrilla attacks were less intense.

Insurgent activity soon increased, however, as hundreds of Iraqi civilians and police were killed over the next few months in a series of massive bombings. One hypothesis for these increased bombings is that the relevance of Saddam Hussein and his followers was diminishing in direct proportion to the influence of radical Islamists, both foreign and Iraqi. An organized Sunni insurgency, with deep roots and both nationalist and Islamist motivations, was becoming more powerful throughout Iraq. The Mahdi Army also began launching attacks on coalition targets in an attempt to seize control from Iraqi security forces. The southern and central portions of Iraq were beginning to erupt in urban guerrilla combat as multinational forces attempted to keep control and prepared for a counteroffensive.

The coalition and the Coalition Provisional Authority decided to face the growing insurgency with a pair of assaults: one on Fallujah, the center of the "Mohammed's Army of Al-Ansar", and another on Najaf, home of an important mosque, which had become the focal point for the Mahdi Army and its activities. Just before the attack on Fallujah, four private military contractors, working for Blackwater USA, were ambushed and their corpses mutilated by a large crowd, receiving a great deal of media attention. The attention illicited a violent reaction from Donald Rumsfeld who then ordered LtGen Conway to immediately attack Fallujah at the earliest opportunity.

After this incident, the 1st Marine Expeditionary Force began plans to re-establish a coalition presence in Fallujah. On April 4, the multinational forces began assaults to clear Fallujah of insurgents. On April 9, the multinational force allowed more than 70,000 women, children and elderly residents to leave the besieged city, reportedly also allowing males of military age to leave. Meanwhile, insurgents were taking advantage of the lull in combat to prepare defenses for a second assault. On April 10, the military declared a unilateral truce to allow for humanitarian supplies to enter Fallujah. Troops pulled back to the outskirts of the city; local leaders reciprocated the ceasefire, although lower-level intense fighting on both sides continued.

The usage by the U.S. of white phosphorus in Fallujah attracted controversy. In the documentary "Fallujah: The Hidden Massacre", aired on the Italian state television network RAI, a former soldier testified "I saw the burned bodies of women and children. The phosphorus explodes and forms a plume. Who ever is within a 150 metre radius has no hope."^[76][77][78] The US State department first dismissed such claims,^[79] but was later corrected in other reports. Lt Col Barry Venable stated to BBC, "it is an incendiary weapon and may be used against enemy combatants." According to Protocol III of Convention on Certain Conventional Weapons, white phosphorus can be used, but only against enemy combatants and not civilians.^[80] The Independent later reported that "there remain widespread reports of civilians suffering extensive burn injuries. While US commanders insist they always strive to avoid civilian casualties, the story of the battle of Fallujah highlights the intrinsic difficulty of such an endeavour."^[81]

When the Iraqi Governing Council protested against the US assault to retake Fallujah Operation Vigilant Resolve, the US military halted its efforts. In the April battle for Fallujah, Coalition troops killed about 600 insurgents and a number of civilians, while 40 Americans died and hundreds were wounded in a fierce battle. The Marines were ordered to stand-down and cordon off the city, maintaining a perimeter around Fallujah. A compromise was reached in order to ensure security within Fallujah itself by creating the local "Fallujah Brigade". While the Marines attacking had clear superiority in ground firepower and air support, LtGen Conway decided to accept a truce and a deal which put a former Baathist general in complete charge of the town's security. The Fallujah Brigade's responsibility was to secure Fallujah and put a stop to insurgent mortar attacks on the nearby U.S. Marine bases. This compromise soon fell apart and insurgent attacks returned, causing Marine commanders to begin preparations for a second attack in the coming fall. By the end of the spring uprising, the cities of Fallujah, Samarra, Baquba, and Ramadi had been left under guerrilla control with coalition patrols in the cities at a minimum.^{[citation needed]}

Meanwhile, the fighting continued in the Shiite south, and Italian and Polish forces were having increasing difficulties retaining control over Nasiriya and Najaf. U.S. marines were then shifted there to put down the overt rebellion and proceeded to rout Sadr's Shiite Militia. In all, April, May and early June saw more fighting. Over the next three months, the multinanational forces took back the southern cities. Also, various insurgent leaders entered into negotiations with the provisional government to lay down arms and enter the political process.

Main article: Iraqi coalition counter-insurgency operations

Toward the end of June (2004), the Coalition Provisional Authority transferred the "sovereignty" of Iraq to a caretaker government, whose first act was to begin the trial of Saddam Hussein. However, fighting continued in the form of an insurgent rebellion against the new sovereignty, with some parts composed of non-Iraqi Muslim militant groups like al Qaeda. The new government began the process of moving towards open elections, though the insurgency and the lack of cohesion within the government itself, has lead to delays. Militia leader Muqtada al-Sadr took control of Najaf and, after negotiations broke down, the government asked the United States for help dislodging him. Through the months of July and August, a series of skirmishes in and around Najaf culminated with the Imam Ali Mosque itself under siege, only to have a peace deal brokered by Grand Ayatollah Sistani in late August. The new Iraq Grain Board has started import wheat from Australia Wheat Board which had been long banned and disgraced by Hussein.^[82]

When the ruling Ba'ath party organization disintegrated after the fall of the Iraqi government, elements of the secret police and Republican Guard formed guerrilla units, since some had simply gone home rather than openly fight the multinational forces. Many of these smaller units formed the center of the initial anti-coalition insurgency, based primarily around the cities of Mosul, Tikrit and Fallujah. The militants and guerrilla units favored attacking unarmored vehicles and avoiding major battles. The early Iraqi insurgency was concentrated in, but not limited to, an area referred to by the Western media and the occupying forces as the Sunni triangle which includes Baghdad ^[2].

By the fall of 2003, these anti-occupation groups began using typical guerrilla tactics; such as ambushes, bombings, kidnappings, and improvised explosive devices. Other tactics included mortars, suicide bombers, roadside bombs, small arms fire, and RPGs, as well as sabotage against the oil, water, and electrical infrastructure. The insurgents primarily targeted coalition forces, checkpoints, and as well as some civilian targets--usually those civilians associated with coalition forces. These irregular forces especially favored attacking unarmored or lightly armored Humvee vehicles, the U.S. military's primary transport vehicle. In November 2003, some of these forces successfully attacked U.S. rotary aircraft with SAM-7 missiles bought on the global black market. Insurgent groups such as the al-Abud Network have even attempted to constitute their own chemical weapons programs, attempting to "weaponize" traditional mortar rounds with ricin and mustard toxin.^[83]

There is evidence that some guerrilla groups are organized, perhaps by the fedayeen and other Saddam Hussein or Ba'ath loyalists, religious radicals, Iraqis angered by the occupation, and foreign fighters.^[84] The insurgents are known by the Coalition military (especially in the United States armed forces) as Anti-Iraqi Forces (AIF).^[85][86]

Abu Musab al-Zarqawi was killed on June 7 2006 in the town of Baquba, north of Baghdad, when U.S. warplanes dropped 2, 500-pound bombs on his isolated safe house.^[87] President George W. Bush said the killing was "a severe blow to al-Qaida and it is a significant victory in the war on terror" but cautioned: "We have tough days ahead of us in Iraq that will require the continuing patience of the American people."^[88]

Al-Qaida in Iraq vowed to continue its "holy war," according to a statement posted on a Web site announcing: "We want to give you the joyous news of the martyrdom of the mujahed sheik Abu Musab al-Zarqawi."^[88] With over 1,600 Iraqi deaths in the month of June, the highest monthly total since the Al Askari Mosque bombing, the death of Zarqawi appears to have had little impact on the violence in Iraq.^[89]

see also: History of Iraqi insurgency, Sectarian violence in Iraq

Throughout the entire Iraq war there have been numerous human rights abuses on all sides of the conflict.

Some of the most publicized abuses include:

• Abu Ghraib torture and prisoner abuse and Bagram torture and prisoner abuse
• Haditha killings - alleged murder of 24 civilians, including women children (Under investigation)
• Ishaqi incident - alleged murder of 11 civilians, including five children (Under investigation)
• Hamadiya incident - alleged kidnapping and murder of one civilian (Under investigation)
• Mahmudiyah incident - alleged gang-rape and murder of a 14 year old girl and the murder of her parents and 7 year old sister, all civilians. (Under investigation)
• Mukaradeeb - alleged bombing and shooting of at least 42 civilians^[90] (Under investigation)

The regular Iraqi insurgents and other groups such as the Sunni Islamic militant groups Al-Qaeda in Iraq, Ansar al-Islam are responsible for numerous abuses, including:

• The publicized murders of several non-military persons including; Eugene Armstrong, Jack Hensley, Kim Sun-il, Kenneth Bigley, Shosei Koda, Fabrizio Quattrocchi, Margaret Hassan, Nick Berg and Seif Adnan Kanaan. Most of these civilians were subjected to brutal torture and/or beheading.
• Suicide attacks on the Iraqi civilian population, mostly targeting the majority Shia community, such as the Attack on the Shia district of Sadr City, Baghdad, on 02/07/2006 which claimed at least 66 lives.^[91][92] An October 2005 report from Human Rights Watch examines the range of civilian attacks and their purported justification.^[93]
• Torture or murder of members of the New Iraqi Army,^[94] and assissination of civilians associated with the Coalition Provisional Authority, such as Fern Holland, or the Iraqi Governing Council, such as Aqila al-Hashimi and Ezzedine Salim, or other foreign civilians, such as those from Kenya.^[95]

Other abuses have been blamed on the new Iraqi government, including:

• The widespread use of torture by Iraqi security forces.^[96]
• Shiite-run death squads run out of the Interior Ministry that are accused of committing numerous massacres of Sunni Arabs.^[97][98]

As of June 13, 2006, over $320 billion has been allocated by the US Congress for the Iraqi war. The amount has been calculated at upwards of $2300 per taxpayer.^[99] The war in Afghanistan has cost an additonal $89 billion since 2001.^[100]

As of March 2006, approximately £4.5 billion has been spent by the United Kingdom in Iraq. All of this money has come from a government fund called the "Special Reserve" which has a current allocation of £6.44 billion.^[101]

It is not known how much more money has been spent by other members of the coalition--however, the US's share of the cost is by far the largest.

Ever since the beginning of the war, President Bush has not included the cost of the Iraq war and occupation in the regular defense spending request. Instead he has submitted emergency spending bills to Congress to cover those estimated costs of the war and occupation. These are best documented in a series of Congressional Research Service reports.^[102]

Joseph Stiglitz, former chief economist of the World Bank has suggested the total costs of the Iraq War on the US economy will be $1 trillion in a conservative scenario and could top $2 trillion in a moderate one.^[103]

In addition to the human casualties the U.S. has lost a number of pieces of military equipment since the beginning of the war in 2003. This total includes those vehicles lost in non-combat related accidents. (numbers are an approximation). In recent events the army has said that the cost of replacing its depleted equipment has recently tripled.^[104]

Combat losses: Land equipment^[105]

• 20 M1 Abrams tanks
• 50 Bradley fighting vehicles
• 20 Stryker wheeled combat vehicles
• 20 M113 armored personel carriers
• 250 Humvees
• 500+ Fox wheeled recon. vehicles, mine clearing vehicles, heavy/medium trucks, and trailers
• 10 Amphibious Assault Vehicles^[106][107]

Combat losses: Air equipment^[105]

• 27 Apache attack helicopters
• 21 Blackhawk utility helicopters
• 14 Chinook cargo helicopters
• 23 Kiowa surveillance helicopters
• 4 CH-46E Sea Knight cargo helicopters^[108]
• 1 CH-53E Super Stallion heavy-lift helicopter^[109]
• 1 A-10 Thunderbolt II ground attack aircraft
• 1 F-15E Strike Eagle fighter aircraft^[110]
• 2 UH-1N Huey utility helicopters

• ^ Hague Convention relative to the Opening of Hostilities, article one.
• ^ "Powell calls pre-Iraq U.N. speech a 'blot' on his record". USAToday, 8 September 2005.
• An Ounce of Prevention- Looting of Munitions- Sept 2005
• The Borgen Project
• ^ Secretary Colin L. Powell, "Interview On BBC's NewsNight". state.gov (Washington, DC), February 20 2003.
• ^ "U.S. Secretary of State Colin Powell Addresses the U.N. Security Council". whitehouse.gov, February 5 2003.
• ^ Smith, Michael, "The war before the war". New Statesman, 30 May 2005.
• ^ "Iraq Poll 2003". gallup-international.
• ^ "Post War Iraq Poll". gallup-international.
• ^ , Dana, Bash, "White House pressed on 'mission accomplished' sign; Navy suggested it, White House made it, both sides say". CNN Washington Bureau, Wednesday, October 29 2003.
• ^ Karon, Tony, "Why Turks and Kurds Prize Kirkuk : Kurdish fighters have captured Kirkuk and Turkey is agitated. The U.S. could soon find itself policing an ugly brawl". Time Magazine, Thursday, 10 April 2003.
• ^ "Operation Iraqi Freedom Maps". globalsecurity.org.
• ^ "President Regrets 'Bring 'Em On'". NewsMax.com Wires, Friday, 14 January 2005.

Media Echo

• Eliot Weinberger: What I Heard About Iraq in 2005, and What I Heard about Iraq (a collage of various statements concerning the war)

• Tatham, Steve (2006), 'Losing Arab Hearts & Minds: The Coalition, Al-Jazeera & Muslim Public Opinion' Hurst & Co (London) Published 1 Jan 06