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Techno-nationalism is a way of understanding how technology affects the society and culture of a nation. One common example is the use of technology to advance nationalist agendas, with the goal of promoting connectedness and a stronger national identity. As noted by Alex Capri, the rise of techno-nationalist approaches has precipitated a US-China race to promote ideological values through the reshaping of institutions and standards.[1] This idea establishes the belief that the success of a nation can be determined by how well that nation innovates and diffuses technology across its people. Technological nationalists believe that the presence of national R&D efforts, and the effectiveness of these efforts, are key drivers to the overall growth, sustainability, and prosperity of a nation.[2][3] Techno-nationalism is an increasingly dominant approach in governance that links a nation’s technological capabilities and self-sufficiency to its state security, economic prosperity, and social stability. It is a response to a new era of global systemic competition between differing ideologies of economic development.[4]
Leaders of innovation
[edit]Technological nationalism is consistently tied to specific countries that are known for their innovative nature. These countries and regions such as Great Britain, Germany and North America have become known for being leaders in technological growth. When identifying leaders in technological innovation it has been affirmed "technologies are associated with particular nations. Cotton textiles and steam power are seen as British, chemicals as German, mass production as North American, consumer electronics as Japanese." These countries have grown to be prosperous due to their strong economic ties to technological growth, "Historians and others have assumed that Germany and America grew fast in the early years of the twentieth century because of rapid national innovation." Because of the effect that technology has on economic growth there is an implicit tie between economic growth and nationalism. Britain became an example of this tie between economic prosperity and technological innovation when they invested heavily in technological research and development to match the innovation standards of other countries.[2]
Today, techno-nationalism is seen to manifest in geopolitical rivalry, particularly between the United States and China. The increasing geopolitical tensions and bifurcation in technology between the United States and China have resulted in the signing of the CHIPS for America Act to support domestic technological innovation in the US, and the Made In China 2025 plan, to secure China’s position as a global powerhouse in high-tech industries.[5][6] The competing nature of the two responses seeks to reassert nationalistic sentiments in a nation’s technological progress and development, and its implications are felt strongest in geopolitics and trade.[4]
China
[edit]Over the past decade, China has launched various programs, including Made in China 2025 and China Standards 2035 to reduce its dependency on foreign technologies. At the 2020 National People's Congress, the Chinese Communist Party announced a doubling down of its two leading industrial initiatives, in addition to investing US$1.4 trillion on a digital infrastructure public spending scheme.[7] As an emerging tech giant, China has become a leading innovator both globally and domestically.[8] While China may still look beyond its borders to supply its enormous thirst for semiconductors. But the manufacturing giant is racing to catch up to US tech firepower.[9]
Indonesia
[edit]Indonesia isn't often thought of as an area where excessive innovation occurs. However, in relation to technological nationalism, Indonesia is a front-runner. In 1976, Indonesia established the Industri Pesawat Terban Nusantara or IPTN, which is a government issued company that specializes in air and space travel. The IPTN would soon receive a 2 billion dollar investment from the government, making it among the largest companies in a third world country, let alone one of the only aircraft manufacturers. Because of its overwhelming success, Indonesians felt immense pride for their country and became "a prominent symbol of Indonesian national esteem and pride." Because of this newfound confidence, Indonesians began to consider themselves "equal to Westerners," showing that having pride in one's country can be a direct result of technological investments.[10]
Canada
[edit]Canada's greatest challenge in the 19th century was to unite the country across a continent. The construction of the CPR (from 1881 to 1885) was a deliberate political and economic attempt to unite Canada's regions and link Eastern and Western Canada, the heartland and hinterland respectively. Charland identified this project as based on the nation's faith in technology's ability to overcome physical obstacles. As the technology was adapted to suit Canadian needs, it fed the national rhetoric that railroads were an integral part of nation building. This spirit of technological nationalism also fuelled the development of broadcasting in the country and thus further served in the development of a national identity. Paradoxically however, these technologies, which historian Harold Innis termed "space-binding," simultaneously supported and undermined the development of a Canadian nation. Based in connection rather than content, they did not favour any particular set of values, except those arising from trade and communication themselves, and so they also contributed to Canada's integration into first the British, and then the American empire.
See also
[edit]- Communication theory
- Identitarian movement
- Nation-building
- Nationalism
- Political communications
- Political rhetoric
- Techno-globalism
- Reactionary modernism
References
[edit]- ^ Capri, Alex. "Techno-nationalism and international alliances". Hinrich Foundation. Retrieved 2023-02-13.
- ^ a b Edgerton, David E.H. (2007). "The Contradictions of Techno-Nationalism and Techno-Globalism: A Historical Perspective". New Global Studies. 1 (1). doi:10.2202/1940-0004.1013.
- ^ Adria, Marco (2010-01-28). Technology and Nationalism. McGill-Queen's Press - MQUP. ISBN 978-0-7735-8040-4.
- ^ a b "Techno-nationalism and its impact on geopolitics and trade | Series". Hinrich Foundation. Retrieved 2022-11-08.
- ^ "US Chip Makers Wanted the CHIPS Act, and Got It | Article". Hinrich Foundation. Retrieved 2022-11-08.
- ^ "US-China decoupling in innovation". Hinrich Foundation. Retrieved 2022-11-08.
- ^ "US-China decoupling in tech". Hinrich Foundation. Retrieved 2022-01-04.
- ^ Ito, James L. Schoff, Asei; Ito, James L. Schoff, Asei. "Competing With China on Technology and Innovation". Carnegie Endowment for International Peace. Retrieved 2022-01-04.
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: CS1 maint: multiple names: authors list (link) - ^ "China's microchip ambitions: Semiconductors advance the next phase of techno-nationalism". Hinrich Foundation. Retrieved 2022-11-08.
- ^ Nationalist rhetoric and technological development: The Indonesian aircraft industry in the New Order regime Archived 2016-06-26 at the Wayback Machine
- Maurice Charland "Technological Nationalism," Canadian Journal of Political and Social Theory 10 (1, 1986): 196-220.
- "Maple Leaves, Beavers and Satellites: Technological Nationalism as Philosophy and Theory", a paper presented by Howard Fremeth at the CCA Annual Conference 2006, York University, Toronto
- Old Messengers, New Media: The Legacy of Innis and McLuhan Archived 2017-10-19 at the Wayback Machine, a virtual museum exhibition at Library and Archives Canada
Further reading
[edit]- Techno-nationalism and its impact on geopolitics and trade, Hinrich Foundation, October 2022
- Strategic US-China decoupling in the tech sector, Hinrich Foundation, June 2020