Cannabis Indica

Page 1
Schonland
Scientist and Soldier
Brian Austin
Department of Electrical Engineering and Electronics
University of Liverpool, UK
Institute of Physics Publishing
Bristol and Philadelphia
CRC Press
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For Kath
CONTENTS
Foreword by Sir Maurice Wilkes FREng FRS
ix
Preface
xiii
1
EARLY YEARS
1
2
RHODES TO CAMBRIDGE
11
3
FOR KING AND COUNTRY
26
4
IN COMMAND
39
5
FROM THE CAVENDISH TO CAPE TOWN
53
6
AND THEN THERE WAS LIGHTNING
71
7
ENTER COCKCROFT
90
8
THE WINGS BEGIN TO SPREAD
110
9
TWO CHAIRS AND THE BPI
132
10
BERNARD PRICE’S INSTITUTE
151
11
THE SSS AT WAR
170
12
‘COULD I BE OF SERVICE?’
204
13
SOLDIERS AND CIVILIANS
229
14
MONTGOMERY’S SCIENTIST
264
15
WHEN SMUTS CALLED
302
16
NATIONALISTS AND INTERNATIONALISTS
338
17
‘COME OVER TO MACEDONIA AND HELP US’
364
18
COCKCROFT’S MAN
380
19
SCIENTIA ET LABORE
395
20
‘COMETH THE HOUR’
431
vii
21
HARWELL
449
22
FISSION BUT NO FUSION
466
23
ZETA AND WINDSCALE
492
24
CAPTAIN AND NOT FIRST OFFICER
522
25
‘FOR THE FUTURE LIES WITH YOU’
549
NOTES AND SOURCES
580
INDEX
621
Schonland: Scientist and Soldier
viii
FOREWORD
by Sir Maurice Wilkes FREng FRS
Basil Schonland, the subject of this biography by Dr Brian Austin, was a
distinguished South African who, during and after the Second World
War, occupied important positions both in South Africa and in the
United Kingdom. He was scientific adviser to Field Marshal Montgomery
during the invasion of Europe. He then returned to South Africa to
establish a modern scientific and industrial research organization in
that country. His final appointment was that of Director of the UK
Atomic Energy Research Establishment at Harwell.
It was my great good fortune, during my wartime career, to serve
under Schonland for very nearly two years. My close association with
him began in August 1941 when he took charge of an Army operational
research group, based on Petersham in Surrey, in which I worked. It
was at once clear that he was just the sort of immediate chief that I
could most desire, and I came to admire him greatly. Like me, he was a
Cavendish man, although of an older generation. He had worked under
Rutherford, first as a research student and later as a visitor to the
Cavendish Laboratory, in the golden age of Cambridge physics. He was
one of an illustrious group that included Blackett, Cockcroft, Kapitza
and others. The close bond he formed at that time with Cockcroft, later
Sir John Cockcroft, had an important influence on his career and forms
one of the main themes of Dr Austin’s book.
When he returned to his native South Africa, Schonland found it
difficult to continue to work in atomic physics so far from the main
centres, and took up the study of thunderstorms and lightning, a field
for which South Africa provided exceptional opportunities. Before long,
he became a world authority in this subject and in 1938 he was elected
a Fellow of the Royal Society. South Africa was then rather isolated
scientifically, and Schonland told me that he saw it as his role to fly the
flag of high quality research.
When I first worked under him, Schonland was a Lieutenant
Colonel in the South African Army on loan to the British Army. He had
a natural military bearing and it was clear that he found the military
life congenial; his campaign medals from the First World War and a
ix
military OBE proclaimed him to be a seasoned soldier. He had intense
feelings of patriotism both for South Africa and, in the wider sense, for
the British Commonwealth. By the Statute of Westminster, South Africa
was, as he emphasized to me, an independent country, which happened
to have the same king as the United Kingdom.
In Petersham, Schonland found himself in a world that was new to
him, namely, that of the British Service ministries and their dependent
establishments, where soldiers and civil servants worked side by side.
As a newcomer, Schonland had to get up to speed. He was ready
to pick up information where he could, if necessary from his sub-
ordinates; for example, I remember explaining D.O. (demi-official) letters
to him.
We both lived in the Star and Garter Hotel in Richmond. Relations
when off duty tended to be relaxed in Army circles, and I got to know
him well. He could at times be almost boyish in his enthusiasm. He had
a particular liking for the plays of J M Barrie, which I shared, although
they were then unfashionable among superior people. He was never
unkind in his judgements of other people; however, he gave vent to a
certain mistrust of eminent scientists who made pronouncements on
subjects outside their scientific specialities. He used to call them ‘public
scientists’ and I detected a slightly malicious pleasure in the way he
said it.
When Schonland took over the Operational Research Group, we
were mostly concerned with radar in Anti-Aircraft Command. However,
the Army began to appreciate the potentialities of operational research in
various aspects of land warfare and it became Schonland’s task to develop
sections dealing with signals, tanks, field artillery, infantry weapons and
tactics, and so on. My own interests did not develop in any of these
directions and it was natural that, in the summer of 1943, I should leave
the Group to return to mainstream radar. Very soon, I received a posting
that took me right across ministerial boundaries, and I found myself at
TRE working for the RAF on airborne radar. I thus passed completely
out of Schonland’s orbit and only heard from time to time of his activities.
It was with the greatest interest, therefore, that I read Dr Austin’s account
of Schonland’s adventures in the challenging and somewhat improbable
role of Scientific Advisor to Field Marshal Montgomery at 21st Army
Group Main Headquarters.
During his later period at the Army Operational Research Group,
Schonland saw a great deal of General Smuts, who was then Prime
Minister of the Union of South Africa and often in England. Smuts’s
mind was turning to post-war reconstruction in South Africa, and it
was at his personal request that Schonland undertook to set up and
preside over a scientific and industrial research organization along the
lines of those to be found in other Dominions. Accordingly, he left 21st
Schonland: Scientist and Soldier
x
Army Group at the end of October 1944 and, after a brief period in
London, went back to South Africa.
The Council for Scientific and Industrial Research, as the organiza-
tion was called, was very successful, but as time went on political
developments occurred in South Africa that were far from being to the
liking of either Schonland or his wife. He began, therefore, to show
interest in approaches that were made to him from various parts of the
British scientific establishment. Eventually he accepted an invitation
from Sir John Cockcroft, then Director of the UK Atomic Energy Establish-
ment at Harwell, to become his deputy. Later he succeeded Cockcroft as
Director and remained in that position until his retirement.
Dr Austin captures well the character and personality of Schonland
as I knew him. As well as being a biography, the book will be of interest to
many readers for the contribution it makes to the historical record of
events, both scientific and military, in Britain and South Africa.
Maurice V Wilkes
Cambridge
December 2000
Foreword
xi
PREFACE
It was while I was on the staff of the Department of Electrical Engineering
at the University of the Witwatersrand (known by staff and students alike
as ‘Wits’) in Johannesburg during the 1980s that a remarkable piece of
local history fired my imagination. Though vaguely aware that some
most secret wartime work had been done at Wits it was only then that I
discovered that an elementary radar set, designed and built just a stone’s
throw from my office, had produced the first radar echo seen in South
Africa on 16 December 1939. The man behind that achievement, remark-
able considering the circumstances of the time and the very infancy of
radar itself, was Basil Schonland, Professor of Geophysics and Director
of the University’s Bernard Price Institute of Geophysical Research. Few
South Africans knew anything about that event and the remarkable
wartime developments that followed from it; others farther afield had
no knowledge at all that radar ever existed in the southern reaches of
Africa. In 1982, when the University celebrated its Diamond Jubilee, the
Department’s contribution to the occasion took the form of a series of
lectures on radar—one of which, the South African story, was given by
Professor Emeritus G R Bozzoli, a former Vice-Chancellor of the Univer-
sity and a significant figure in the development of radar in South Africa.
Subsequently, word of South Africa’s achievements in this field filtered
through to the wider world at an international conference on radar in
London in 1985 but was never published. In 1990, by which time I was
living in England, the opportunity presented itself to tell the story again
and this I did at a meeting in Oxford. But now the focus in my mind, at
least, was already beginning to shift from Schonland as the father of
South African radar to Schonland the man, but it was now apparent
that his name had faded almost completely from the collective memory
of his fellow countrymen. Elsewhere he was known to but a few. In
1995 I took the bold decision for an engineering academic to attempt to
write a biography of Basil Schonland and I approached his eldest daugh-
ter, Dr Mary Davidson, then living in the Schonland family home near
Winchester, for permission to do so. Mary graciously and bravely
agreed and the project was born, but very much as a part-time activity,
xiii
since my duties in the Department of Electrical Engineering and Electro-
nics at the University of Liverpool took first call on my time. For the better
part of the next five years I led the life of a hermit at home and must
therefore thank my wife Kath for all her forbearance and understanding
while I attempted to learn the trades of historian and biographer.
No task of this magnitude can be undertaken without the consider-
able assistance of a vast number of people. One of the many pleasures that
the research and writing of the biography has brought me has been the
friendships that I have made with a large number of people, both in
South Africa and in England. Not only have I received considerable
help and encouragement from those who either knew Schonland,
worked with him or were just associated with him at various stages of
his multi-faceted career, but I found myself almost overwhelmed by the
kindness of those of another generation who were just so interested in
the project itself and did all they could to assist me. It is to all these indi-
viduals and in many cases to the organizations they represent that I owe
an enormous debt of gratitude. I shall attempt here to name them all;
should I omit anyone, that is a mark of my own fallibility and inadequate
record-keeping and I ask you to accept both my apologies for the omission
and my heartfelt thanks for your help.
First and foremost I must thank Mary and Freddie Davidson for
their hospitality at The Down House and for the remarkable collection
of Basil and Ismay Schonland’s letters and photographs which they
entrusted to me. In addition, Ismay’s recollections of Basil written in
the hand of the professional historian after his death are priceless. With-
out all of these the story would certainly have lacked a soul. Mary has also
been the recipient of numerous letters and phone-calls from me, often
involving convoluted queries about events of long ago, but she never
failed to dig deep into her memory to provide an answer. I also thank
Schonland’s grandson, Dr Robert Davidson, for sending me Basil
Schonland’s diary kept during his training at the Royal Engineers
Signal Depot in Bletchley in 1915, as well as his notebooks written on
the field of battle. They are a unique record. My interviews in Johannes-
burg with Ann Oosthuizen, Schonland’s younger daughter, and with
her daughter Susan in Cambridge revealed family insights and personal
recollections that were invaluable. These laid the bedrock on which to
build a story of quite considerable proportions.
To Professor T E Allibone must go a special mention for it was he
who wrote the Biographical Memoir of Schonland that appeared the
year after his death as part of that invaluable series commemorating the
Fellows of The Royal Society in London. Ted Allibone had been asso-
ciated with Schonland longer than any of his scientific colleagues and
so was able to write a most readable and comprehensive account of
Schonland’s life and achievements. It was the spur that got me going.
Schonland: Scientist and Soldier
xiv
Our subsequent correspondence, especially about life at Cambridge and
the Cavendish, yielded fascinating cameos from an obviously happy
time. To Lorna Arnold I owe a special debt of gratitude. As an employee
of the United Kingdom Atomic Energy Agency since 1959, and an histor-
ian of considerable note in all matters nuclear, her assistance and advice
on Harwell, its personalities and its history were simply beyond compar-
ison. Her own work on the accident at Windscale and her collaboration
with Professor Margaret Gowing in writing the definitive account of
atomic energy in Britain have been of inestimable value to me in under-
standing Schonland’s part in this massive enterprise. She kindly agreed
to read early drafts of the Harwell chapters and I acted immediately on
all her comments and suggestions. In addition, my ultimate access to
the Schonland files at Aldermaston and Harwell was due entirely to her
initiative in setting up the right contacts.
Sadly, the passage of time between commencing my research and
actually writing the biography has seen a number of my ever-willing col-
laborators pass away. None was more poignant to me than the death of
Professor G R Bozzoli, simply ‘Boz’ to every student and colleague
privileged enough to know him. A most eminent man himself with an
illustrious career in academic life, Boz played a key role in the wartime
radar story in South Africa because he was Schonland’s chief technical
officer responsible for the design of much of the radar equipment and
for the running of the Special Signals Services after Schonland left for
England in 1941. The interview I conducted with him at his home in
Johannesburg in 1997, and our subsequent correspondence until just
before his death the following year, were sources of invaluable informa-
tion and insight. My great regret is that he did not live to read the final
account. Others, too, who have since died were Professor R V Jones, Dr
J S Hey and Sir Arthur Vick. All had known Schonland in various
capacities and at different periods of his career and they responded
very willingly to my requests for information about the Bruneval Raid,
the jamming of British army radars, and Harwell, respectively.
The wealth of published material on the Second World War contains
little about the part played by Operational Research in the various
campaigns and engagements. I was, however, most fortunate to discover
that the reports produced by Schonland’s Army Operational Research
Group had been very carefully analysed and catalogued in recent years
and they were made available to me by Lt Col Richard Dixon RM of
the Centre for Defence Analysis, and by the Royal Military College of
Science. Most recently, Professor Terry Copp of the Laurier Centre for
Military Strategic and Disarmament Studies at the Wilfrid Laurier
University in Canada, has produced the definitive account of the part
played by Operational Research within 21 Army Group and he most
kindly provided me with much valuable correspondence between
Preface
xv
Schonland and his second-in-command at the AORG, Omond Solandt, a
Canadian, and I am indebted to him for allowing me to quote from it here.
Numerous former colleagues and associates of Schonland
responded to my requests for information and even anecdotes. My
thanks go to Dr J V Dunworth for his hospitality at his home on the Isle
of Man, and to R M Fishenden, Lord Flowers, R F Jackson, Dr G H Stafford
and Professor P C Thonemann for their recollections of Harwell under
Schonland. Professor Anton Hales in Australia wrote detailed letters of
events long ago at UCT and the BPI with an accuracy that was astound-
ing, while Dr Stanley Hey gave me his first-hand account of the discovery
of radio emissions from the sun while at the AORG in 1942, and
Schonland’s reaction to a discovery of huge significance as one of the fore-
runners of radio astronomy. His namesake, Professor J D Hey at the
University of Natal, provided me with a number of photographs of the
Boys camera, undoubtedly the most important scientific tool in Schon-
land’s career. Professor Frank Brooks, Dr John Juritz and Lesley Jennings
in the Department of Physics at UCT turned up fascinating historical
gems whilst I was there and continue to do so. The part played by Dr
Frank Hewitt, formerly of the SSS, the TRL and then finally Deputy
President of the CSIR in clarifying innumerable issues has been invalu-
able. His reading of my chapters on the SSS has ensured their accuracy
in any matters in which he was involved. Geoffrey Mangin, now custo-
dian of SSS affairs in South Africa, has been a regular source of valuable
information. Professor David Hill, Schonland’s Staff Officer in 21 Army
Group, was very helpful in recalling events from that period in both his
correspondence and at his home near Ripon. My search for information
in relation to Schonland’s Great War service led me to Sir John Keegan,
Brigadier Richard Holmes and Mrs Ann Clayton. Sir Bernard Lovell
has been especially helpful in a host of areas, particularly in relation to
Schonland’s part in the planning of the Bruneval Raid and his work on
‘the penetrating radiation’. He put me in touch with Don Preist in the
United States whose recollections of that famous raid in 1942 were
remarkable. Sir Arnold Wolfendale, the former Astronomer Royal, at
Lovell’s request provided useful comments on cosmic rays; as did Sir
John Mason, whose subsequent research on the charging process within
thunderclouds was stimulated by Schonland’s work before the war.
Dr R S Pease provided me with much detail about the fusion
research at Harwell and assisted in my understanding of the underlying
issues that so plagued both the ZETA and ICSE programmes. Dr J E
Johnston, also from Harwell, saw the interplay between Schonland and
Cockcroft and also introduced me to Mr Nick Hance to whom I am greatly
indebted for all his help in tracing photographs from the Harwell period.
Dr David Proctor, formerly of the NITR in Johannesburg, helped me place
Schonland’s work on lightning in perspective, while the events leading to
Schonland: Scientist and Soldier
xvi
the founding of the CSIR and subsequent developments there were
described to me by Dr Bill Rapson in Johannesburg in 1997. Dr John
Stewart of the Chamber of Mines has also been most helpful in tracing
the Schonland report on research in the mining industry in South
Africa. I owe a special debt of gratitude to three Professors Emeriti at
the University of the Witwatersrand: Frank Nabarro, Friedel Sellschop
and Phillip Tobias. Frank and his late wife Margaret were most patient
when I interviewed them at length about their association with Schonland
in the AORG and about numerous subsequent events. Frank also read
and commented on the complete manuscript. The saga of attracting
Sellschop to Wits and his own recollections of those and subsequent activ-
ities flesh out the story as told by Schonland’s correspondence with
Nabarro. Phillip Tobias put into perspective the discoveries of Robert
Broom and particularly the antagonistic views held by Solly Zuckerman
in relation to South African palaeontology and South Africa in general.
No research of this nature would be possible without the massive
assistance of numerous librarians and archivists. I have been exception-
ally well-served by Di Arnott and Zofia Sulej at the University of the
Witwatersrand, Nicolene Basson and Janie van Zyl at the CSIR, Ellie
Clewlow at Gonville and Caius College, Cambridge, Joanna Corden at
The Royal Society, John Drew and Lesley Hart at UCT, Valerie Phillips
of the Royal Commission for the Exhibition of 1851, Kate Pyne at AWE
Aldermaston, Lynne Seddon at the Royal Military College of Science,
Godfrey Waller at Cambridge, Christina Tyree at the British Association
for the Advancement of Science and her counterpart in South Africa,
Shirley Korsman. In addition, the staff of the Public Record Office in
Kew, the Churchill Archive, Cambridge, the Imperial War Museum,
London, the National Archive of South Africa and the South African
Museum of Military History have been most helpful in responding to
my numerous requests for obscure information. My special thanks
though must go to Sandy Rowoldt, the Cory Librarian at Rhodes Univer-
sity, Grahamstown for her wonderful support that went well beyond the
call of duty. The Cory collection of Schonland’s letters to his brother Felix
were a veritable gold mine of priceless information. For permission to
open some that Felix had sealed not quite in perpetuity I must personally
thank the Vice-Chancellor of Rhodes, Dr David Woods. I must also thank
three professional historians: Philip Bell, formerly at Liverpool, Deon
Fourie at Unisa and Bruce Murray at Wits whose capacity to encourage
a novice knew no bounds. My thanks go as well to Antony Clark, Head-
master of St Andrew’s College, Grahamstown, for introducing me to
Doug and Lettie Rivett and for allowing me access to the College archives.
Jim Revill, Senior Academic Publisher at the Institute of Physics, has been
remarkably patient and most helpful throughout the gestation period of
this work.
Preface
xvii
The sabbatical leave that I was able to spend in South Africa early in
1997 in order to carry out the research for this biography was made
possible by the good offices of the University of Liverpool. In particular
I wish to thank Professor David Parsons, my Head of Department at
the time, for supporting me in this venture and for recognizing the
value of such research. Professor Charles Landy, Head of the Department
of Electrical Engineering at the University of the Witwatersrand, pro-
vided me with an office in his department and supported my wife and
me in so many ways while we were in Johannesburg. His friendship is
valued enormously. Generous financial support made it all possible
and for this I must thank Dr Geoff Garrett, President of the CSIR, the
South African Foundation for Research Development, the Ernest Oppen-
heimer Trust and the South African Institute of Electrical Engineers.
Kind permission to reproduce material has been obtained from Dr
Mary Davidson, the Office of the Prime Minister, The British Library,
The Royal Society, the publishers of Nature, the Royal Commission
for the Exhibition of 1851, the UKAEA, the Imperial War Museum,
Churchill Archives Centre, the National Archives of South Africa,
Oxford University Press, the Universities of Cambridge, Cape Town,
and of the Witwatersrand, Rhodes University, and the South African
National Defence Force.
Every effort has been made to trace the relevant copyright holders of
material used in the biography. Any omissions or lack of appropriate
acknowledgement are an unfortunate oversight on the part of the
author and are sincerely regretted.
One man whose wise counsel, encyclopaedic knowledge and tactful
criticism have been of inestimable value to me throughout my research
and writing of this Schonland biography has been Sir Maurice Wilkes
FREng FRS. Our discussions in the most wonderful of settings in Cam-
bridge and in London were both memorable and fascinating. They, and
our frequent electronic correspondence, touched on far more than just
the period when he served under Schonland at Petersham. I owe what-
ever understanding I have of the structures and personalities of the British
scientific establishment of the time entirely to his deep and perceptive
grasp of all the issues and, indeed, of the machinations that in some
cases lay behind them. I am therefore most appreciative of his kindness
and willingness to assist me in writing the biography of the man for
whom I know he had the very highest regard. By agreeing to write the
foreword to this biography of Sir Basil Schonland CBE FRS he has done
me the ultimate honour.
B A Austin
West Kirby
January 2001
Schonland: Scientist and Soldier
xviii
CHAPTER 1
EARLY YEARS
In many ways the future of modern South Africa was determined by
events in 1896, the year that Basil Schönland was born. The two British
colonies, the Cape and Natal, were part of the Victorian empire, secure
yet undistinguished. The Boer republics of the Orange Free State and
the Transvaal—the homes to a people who had trekked away from the
colonial yoke—were about to be dragged back by events which were
driven by the discovery of gold just ten years before.
Basil Schönland was born in the Eastern Cape on 5 February 1896 in
the town of Grahamstown that lay on the frontier of what, to some, was
still darkest Africa and another people: black people whose ancestors
had moved south and had encountered the first white men to inhabit
this southern tip of Africa just a few generations before. The Eastern
Cape was settler country, populated by hardy folk, predominantly from
England, who had arrived in 1820, ostensibly to a new Eden but in reality
to a rather inhospitable place with restless neighbours. Such, though, was
their dogged determination that Grahamstown and the surrounding
territory soon flourished. What began as a military encampment rapidly
became a town well-served by both churches and schools modelled on
the public schools of England. Amongst them was St Andrew’s College,
founded in 1855 and staffed mainly by men of the cloth whose purpose
was undeniably to educate the sons of gentlemen.
But there were other settlers too. Selmar Schönland and his brother
Max arrived in the Eastern Cape in 1889. They were German Jews: Selmar,
a scientist; Max, the trader. Selmar Schö nland was born in Frankenhausen
in 1860 and studied botany at the universities of Berlin and Kiel where he
obtained a doctorate. He then moved to England and to Oxford where,
over a period of four years, he did excellent work and had conferred on
him the degree of Master of Arts. However, problems with his eyesight
made laboratory work difficult and it was suggested that he should go
to the colonies and concentrate on fieldwork [1]. He and his brother,
attracted by the commercial prospects that had been bolstered by the
recent discovery of diamonds at Kimberley in 1870, set sail together.
Selmar soon found himself a position as an assistant to Peter MacOwan,
1
rector and head of Natural Sciences at Gill College in Somerset East, a
small town some 100km north-west of Grahamstown. MacOwan, said
to be a ‘peppery old Irishman’, though born in Yorkshire, was a man of
sturdy Church of England stock and was the pre-eminent botanist in
the country, who was soon to become the President of the South African
Philosophical Society, the forerunner of the Royal Society of South
Africa [2].
MacOwan had a daughter, Flora, who was blessed or possibly cursed
with her father’s temperament. Her fiery personality and fine features
offset her lack of height, for though under five feet tall she was a formid-
able person with a temper to match. She and Selmar were married and
soon after left Somerset East for Grahamstown, where he had been
appointed curator of the Albany Museum, the second oldest in the country
with a fine collection of botanical, palaeontological and geological speci-
mens dating from the early years of the century. There, Selmar pursued
his botanical research with enthusiasm and began a collection of dried
plants which, over a period of forty years, was to increase to 100 000 speci-
mens. However, there was more to the man than the mere collector, for he
was a scientist at heart and he sorely missed the worlds of Oxford and Kiel
and their communities of scholars. Grahamstown must have its own seat
of learning—a university—and he devoted himself to the task of establish-
ing one in his adopted home. What is now Rhodes University owes its very
existence to this gentle, sharp-eyed botanist, Selmar Schönland [3].
1896 was a climactic year in South Africa’s history. It was the year of
the fiasco of the Jameson Raid. This ill-timed and equally ill-thought-out
venture was the springboard from which the Boer War was to be
launched some three years later. Dr Leander Starr Jameson was the con-
fidant and close colleague of Cecil Rhodes, then Prime Minister of the
Cape Colony. In every way Jameson was Rhodes’s right-hand man [4].
Frustrated by the duplicity of President Kruger of the Transvaal Republic,
and urged on by champions of Empire, Jameson led a body of irregular
horse across the border from Pitsani in British-controlled Bechuanaland
with a view to ousting the old Boer and claiming the place for his
Queen. But calamity soon struck. On 2 January 1896, Jameson’s raiders
were surprised, surrounded and out-gunned. After a brief skirmish
they surrendered to the Boers when almost on the outskirts of Johannes-
burg, the seat of Uitlander (lit. ‘Outlander’) power in the Transvaal and
Jameson’s ultimate destination. Of the six hundred men who had
ridden with him from their camp near Mafeking, 65 were dead or
wounded and Jameson himself was led away, in tears, to Pretoria and
jail. The plan, such as it was, was intended to foment a revolution in
Johannesburg, to be supported by the Uitlanders, that would unseat
Paul Kruger and take over the Transvaal for the British Empire. It failed
and Rhodes resigned as Prime Minister of the Cape [5].
2
Schonland: Scientist and Soldier
War was now on the horizon, but in Grahamstown, almost a thou-
sand kilometres away, life continued with an air of what one rather
acerbic commentator of the time described as ‘old world ecclesiasticism’,
and into that world Basil Schönland was born.
*
*
*
He was an extremely tiny baby, so tiny, almost bird-like, in fact, that his
first cot was a shoe box and he was fed with a pipette from a fountain pen
[6]. Such an unusual method of infusion seemingly had no ill effects
because Basil soon grew into an active, alert little boy with qualities of
independence and inventiveness much in evidence. The Schönlands
first lived in a house in Francis Street but soon moved to ‘Bellevue’ in
Oatlands Road. Two brothers followed. Felix was born in 1899 and
Richard, to be known as Dickey and later Dick, six years later. Basil and
Felix, naturally closer, shared similar interests, with Basil clearly the
leader and much admired by his younger brother. Walking in the hills
surrounding Grahamstown was a regular weekend pastime, usually
with groups of friends, but frequently the elder Schönland would go off
alone to enjoy the challenge and the isolation of the veld. At Howieson’s
Poort, a favourite picnic spot, he kept in a cave on the hillside a cache of
tinned sardines, coffee, sugar and condensed milk; his ‘secret store’, he
called it [7]. As well as an air of independence, soon to emerge were an
artistic flair and a hint of organizational ability, for Basil became the orga-
nizer of regular circus performances staged in the stable and coach house
of the Schönland home. The price of admission was a button, but as the
frequency of these events increased the mothers of the audience soon
complained to Mrs Schönland that their children’s clothing was rapidly
falling into a state of some disrepair. Some other currency or at least a
diversionary activity was required.
Basil Schönland’s first formal exposure to the educational process
began at the Victoria Infants school and continued, at the age of six,
when he was enrolled at St Andrew’s Preparatory School. He was imme-
diately seen to be a good scholar. His school report for that year had him
in fourth place in the form but first in Arithmetic and History and second
in both English and Scripture. The teacher’s comments alongside these
marks were ‘good’ throughout, with English earning extra praise, being
both ‘very good and improving fast’. However, one detects signs of
an intellect not fully stimulated by the curriculum on offer because his
conduct was described as ‘Good, but rather too fidgetty [sic] & talkative’
[8].
St Andrew’s was renowned for the quality of its stage productions
and they were much appreciated, since the performance of original
plays in Grahamstown was something of a novelty according to Grocott’s
Daily Mail, the local newspaper. It described Miss Mullins’s production in
3
Early Years
June 1903 of the Shaming of the Two in the typically expansive prose of the
day by suggesting that if she ‘continues to provide such capital fun from
her pupils’ acting, in future a larger hall must be procured.’ Basil Schön-
land’s role in this epic, which involved ‘such exciting material’ as robbers,
dwarfs, a cave, magic, a prince and much other royalty to boot, was that of
a Page. His friend Rupert White-Cooper, who would emerge again in
other rather different roles in later years, played the not-unusual part,
in an all-boys school, of a princess. At the conclusion of the entertainment,
the ‘table containing the prizes was put ready’ for distribution to the
worthy winners by the Bishop of Grahamstown who was accompanied
by the Rev Dr McGowan, the Principal of ‘the College’—St Andrew’s
itself. That year Basil Schönland won the prize for Arithmetic.
By the following year Basil had himself been elevated to playing the
part of a lady. In this case it was Lady Olga in the school’s production of
The borrowed clothes of Princess Rose, again written and produced by the
redoubtable Mullins sisters. Rupert White-Cooper now found himself
cast as a shepherdess. Again, the report in the local newspaper was
effusive in its praise and, once again, the worthy bishop, shadowed by
4
Figure 1. Basil Schö nland in Grahamstown at the age of eight in 1904. (Reproduced by kind
permission of Dr Mary Davidson.)
Schonland: Scientist and Soldier
the headmaster of the College, handed out the prizes. Schönland won
those for Scripture and Latin, while emerging was evidence that he was
also something of an all-rounder. His lack of physical size was naturally
a handicap on the sports field but he more than made up for it by a steely
determination that saw him coming in third over 56 yards, a distance no
doubt thought appropriate for boys of his age [9].
While Basil was so engaged, Dr Selmar Schönland, in his quiet
though very determined way, was applying himself to the task of raising
the money for the building of a university in Grahamstown. He turned,
remarkable as it may have seemed to some, to the man who until recently
had been languishing in jail in England for his misguided adventure up in
the Transvaal seven years before. Now, Dr Jameson, having been released
early from prison for health reasons, was back in South Africa and very
much back in politics.
Cecil Rhodes, though, was dead. The events of the closing years of
the century had finally taken a heavy toll on a man who, forty years
before, was thought to be unfit for the rigours of the English climate.
The African sun was recommended and so the young Rhodes arrived in
the country where he was to leave an indelible mark. However, in
death, just as during all those years when he dominated both the political
and financial worlds in Cape Town and Kimberley, he left another legacy
which, to this day, bears his name: the Rhodes Trust and the scholarships
to Oxford it has provided to the scholars of selected nations around the
world. Jameson was now a Rhodes Trustee and also the recently elected
Prime Minister of the Cape Colony, but of much more importance to the
canny Selmar Schönland was the fact that Jameson’s parliamentary seat
was in Grahamstown. Schönland therefore approached his MP for a sub-
stantial grant from the Rhodes Trustees for the building of a university to
serve his constituents and Jameson readily agreed. Thus, £50 000 would be
made available and Selmar Schö nland had his university, at least on paper.
However, the word of politicians is so often tempered by factors beyond
the grasp of mere mammon and, almost inevitably, the promised grant
was not forthcoming. Evidently, Jameson had taken his magnanimous
decision without consulting his fellow trustees, his continued support
by the good citizens of Grahamstown being the more pressing need at
that time. However, he soon found himself under severe restraining
pressure from a member of his own Cabinet, the redoubtable and parsimo-
nious Sir Lewis Michell, who had been banker to Cecil Rhodes and was
himself a Rhodes Trustee. Progress immediately stalled but Selmar
Schönland was not to be thwarted and travelled to Cape Town to see
Michell himself. There he patiently explained, for one and a half hours,
just why the money was needed. Whether it was through sheer exhaustion
or the force of argument from this dogged German botanist is not
recorded, but Sir Lewis capitulated and Grahamstown was to get its
5
Early Years
money and thus its university, soon to be known as Rhodes University
College [10].
*
*
*
Basil Schönland entered St Andrew’s College in 1907 having been
awarded, at the age of ten, the first prize in the Junior Division, an exam-
ination taken by pupils throughout the Cape, most of whom were some
years his senior. His talents apparently knew few bounds and even
extended to poetry. Though Kipling’s verse and the embers of Empire
may have been fading elsewhere, they still smouldered in Grahamstown
and certainly at St Andrew’s. On 9 March 1906, a memorial to the British
soldiers who had fallen during the Boer War was unveiled in the city and
this colourful event prompted Basil Schönland to write, with much gusto,
five verses of his own [11].
Blow sweet and cool O winds today
O southern Sunshine bright
For we are gathered here to pay
A last and solemn rite
We see the boyish figure
We hear the pleasant laugh
Gaily in manhood’s vigor [sic]
Stepping out on glory’s path
They fought for king and native land
Our dearest and our best
But God put forth his mighty hand
And took them to their rest
The last post sounds in every ear
The list of names is read
The volleys three each one does hear
In honour of the dead
O bright and burnished statue
Stand out against the sky
Telling to all who see you
How brave men went to die
Schönland’s arrival at College was somewhat daunting, as well it
might have been for a boy so much younger than his peers. He entered
form III in 1907 with the school number of 2163. One must presume
that his skipping of forms I and II, though nowhere recorded, was due
to his academic precociousness displayed while at the ‘Prep’. In a letter
written some years later to his brother Felix he admitted that he ‘was
horribly frightened at first’ [12], but with the grit that was always a feature
6
Schonland: Scientist and Soldier
of his character, as man and boy, he soon made his mark. The College
Magazine recorded in its December 1907 issue that Basil Schönland, at
the recent Cape Town eisteddfod, had been awarded first prize for
letter-writing. ‘As he is only 11 years old this result is highly creditable’,
it said. His name was to appear again amongst the prize-winners in the
September 1908 issue; this time he was awarded the Beit Scholarship—
the first of many to come his way. For all this, Schönland was no book-
worm. He was greatly interested in sport, especially rugby football,
even though he lacked the physical stature usually associated with its
more successful proponents. As a ‘day boy’ at a boarding school he was
a member of the imaginatively titled Day House, those English Public
School traditions being much a feature of such schools in South Africa
too. Basil represented his House at rugby in the somewhat unusual posi-
tion, given his lack of physical size, as a forward and though he did not
distinguish himself he exuded great energy on the field and much
enthusiasm for the game. His team-mates must similarly have lacked
the necessary bulk and talent because the College Magazine recorded
their heavy defeats in 1908 to the tune of 24 nil, 21 nil and 16–3 at the
hands, or feet, of those more hardened boarders [13].
However, Basil Schö nland’s academic performance was excellent, as
reflected in his school report for 1908, the year in which he took the School
Higher Examination. He was first out of 23 pupils in all subjects except
Latin and French, in which he appeared second. His mathematics
master penned alongside a mark of 73%: ‘An excellent worker with
plenty of ability—did well in Arithmetic in Exam but his Algebra was
poor’. An undoubtedly prophetic remark was that from the Acting
Principal of the College, one Theodore Cornish, that Schönland was an
‘Excellent worker. A very promising boy’ [14]. And all this at the age of
twelve with just two years left at school was promise indeed.
1909 was a relatively uneventful year by Schönland’s standards. By
then he was in the fifth form and in a class where the average age was
seventeen. His school report yielded an entirely expected result. First
place out of twenty-six with only one mark below 70%, that being 54%
for Greek, a subject he had just started the year before [15]. At the
annual prize-giving ceremony in September, his hand was shaken repeat-
edly as he collected the prizes for French, Latin, Mathematics and Science
[16]. His subject-spread is illuminating: Mathematics, Chemistry, Latin,
Greek, English and French. Not only is an obvious ability with language
evident in one who was soon to distinguish himself as a scientist, but the
fact that he seemingly studied no Physics is intriguing. One can only
presume that St Andrew’s had no Physics master! But the best was yet
to come.
Schö nland entered the sixth form at St Andrew’s in 1910. He was not
quite fourteen and was the youngest in the class by almost four years, but
7
Early Years
his talents and his burgeoning self-confidence belied his age. He spoke in
the Debating Society in May opposing a motion which averred that ‘The
sword has done more to advance civilization than the pen’. Schönland
stoutly contended that the evidence against this was overwhelming.
The College Magazine recorded that ‘in a detailed and well-worded
speech [he] drew notice to the achievements of printing, from which
point of view the pen had undoubtedly been a more potent factor’ [17].
In August, the motion for debate addressed an issue, then very topical
at the time, with one B Schönland proposing ‘That in the opinion of this
house women should be allowed suffrage’. The same source records
that he opened the debate by hoping that his audience would not be ‘pre-
judiced by the tales of hat pins and strenuous suffragettes’. But they
clearly were and though he and his supporter, R F Currey, struggled
manfully, prejudice abounded and Schönland’s motion was defeated in
a division by a large majority! [18]
South Africa itself, in 1910, was on the brink of parliamentary
change. The defeated Boer Republics of the Transvaal and the Orange
Free State became, with their former colonial neighbours in the Cape
and Natal, members of the Union of South Africa under the premiership
of one of the most illustrious Boer generals, Louis Botha. His minister of
Mines, Defence and the Interior was J C Smuts, the brilliant Cape- and
Cambridge-educated lawyer, who had been State Attorney in the Trans-
vaal at the outbreak of the Boer War and who then took to the field as a
Boer general of considerable daring and enterprise [19]. But now, a
decade later, Afrikaner and Englishman were united under one flag
but, as if to satisfy both, the levers of power were distributed between Par-
liament in Cape Town and the seat of Government in Pretoria. South
Africa, though, had even greater divisions because the mass of its popula-
tion, those of another hue, were excluded from Parliament altogether.
Women, as long as they were white, got the vote in 1930.
The young Schönland will have followed these events closely and
undoubtedly knew of Smuts for his name was already part of the St
Andrew’s College legend. Late in 1901, with the Boer War now a guerrilla
struggle, Smuts and his bedraggled commando appeared on the outskirts
of Grahamstown. The town was at their mercy since all the garrison
troops had long since been sent to the battlefields. However, all was not
lost. The College Cadet Corps, along with those of their sister schools in
the town, were immediately mobilized to defend the good citizens of
Grahamstown against a possible incursion. Smuts, however, declined to
invade and moved on to continue harassing the real enemy, the British
army in the field.
Now, nearly a decade later, when not engaged in the affairs of State,
Jan Smuts found his own relaxation in botany [20]. An encyclopaedic
memory and a mind of formidable dimensions allowed him to interact
8
Schonland: Scientist and Soldier
easily with the professionals in the field. Not surprisingly, therefore, his
path soon crossed that of Selmar Schönland’s. Quite soon he would
come across the name of the younger Schönland, too.
In 1910 Basil Schönland sat his final examinations for the matricula-
tion. Challenging him for first place in a class of thirty was Ronald Currey,
his debating colleague, who was later to become the chronicler of the
histories of both St Andrew’s College and Rhodes University. Schön-
land’s progress was now being closely observed by the College Principal,
the Rev P W H Kettlewell MA (Oxon), who also took the boys of the unre-
markable Day House under his wing, and so he saw the young man from
many angles. In a letter to Selmar, Kettlewell stated emphatically: ‘I am
confident he will get a high place’. He did indeed. When the results
were announced in Cape Town there was jubilation at St Andrew’s.
Basil Schönland, though only fourteen years of age, not only obtained
the First Class pass expected of him in this national examination but
was also placed first in the ‘whole of South Africa’ [21]. The College
certainly had good reason to be proud because Ronald Currey was
placed second. Grahamstown’s newspaper carried the results under the
headline of ‘Latest Telegrams’, and in the accompanying article it
enthused in its congratulations to St Andrew’s, calling the feat ‘a remark-
able triumph’. In addition, said the editor, the ‘friends of both these young
men are to be felicitated on the excellent promise thus shown’. The Schö n-
land household in Oatlands Road received its share of felicitations too
from the Bishop of Grahamstown, on the one hand, to the Government
Entomologist on the other [22].
Once again the annual prize-giving was the major event in the
College calendar. In 1910 the occasion was made even more significant
by the presence of General Lord Methuen as the guest of honour.
Methuen had been the commander of the force of eight thousand soldiers
whose objective, some eleven years before, had been to relieve Kimberley
and its fabulous diamond mine from the besieging Boers. The fact that he
failed in this and then enjoyed the dubious distinction of being the last
British general to be captured by the Boers [23] in no way diminished
the applause which greeted him on entering the splendidly decorated
College Drill Hall on 10 October. After all, had not England been trium-
phant in 1902 and, therefore, Grahamstown too? In 1908, Lord Methuen
returned to South Africa as General Officer Commanding all forces in
the country and so was clearly a hero amongst admiring friends who
were steadfastly maintaining the English Public School tradition in argu-
ably the most British of South African towns at that time.
Methuen’s address to the assembled College and guests followed
shorter orations from the Principal and the Bishop of Grahamstown.
Whereas they had dealt with matters on a broad front, the General had
but a single target in his sights—the Cadet Corps and its role in producing
9
Early Years
the future leaders of the land. To cheers and acclamation he reminded the
boys that they were beginning life at the same time as South Africa was
beginning hers and ‘although we may have aided in making South
Africa what she is going to be, it will remain with you to carry out the
work which we have begun’. ‘Hear, hear’ was the resounding chorus.
Though some always derided cadets as merely playing at soldiers, the
General was quick to assert that:
there is nothing a master likes more than a cadet corps in a college.
It means discipline, cleanliness and self-esteem; it means the power
of obeying, and for the boy the rifle becomes a [sic] second nature.
The boy is able to command when he leaves college. That comes of
volunteering, discipline and drill. There is no school in England in
which a cadet corps is not regarded by master and boy as a good
thing.
Since both speakers before him had congratulated the boys on their disci-
pline and ‘tone’, the General’s words certainly fell on receptive ears. The
world was at peace and a British soldier was there to maintain it in South
Africa. Basil Schönland might even have written another burst of verse.
However, such euphoria was not to last. In four short years many in
that audience would find themselves in uniform and in just such positions
of command in ‘the war to end all wars’, and Schönland would be
amongst them. But happier things lay ahead of them that night and
Schönland was much fêted amongst the prize winners. Between himself
and Ronald Currey they were to take all the VI form prizes except that
awarded for Dutch, a subject Schönland had not studied. They shared
those for Classics and English, while Schönland won that for French,
and Currey those for Mathematics and Science. Basil Schönland was
also declared the Jubilee Scholar for 1910.
The evening was brought to a close by the School Concert: a selec-
tion of musical pieces, both instrumental and vocal, performed by the
boys, the College Choral Society and by the occasional master. Included
amongst renditions of violin solos and the lusty singing of The Sergeant
of the Line was a pianoforte solo, Chopin’s Nocturne in E flat, performed
by none other than one B F Schönland [24].
10
Schonland: Scientist and Soldier

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