The Republican Party in the United States includes several factions, or wings.

During the 19th century, Republican factions included the Half-Breeds, who supported civil service reform; the Radical Republicans, who advocated the abolition of slavery; and the Stalwarts, who supported machine politics. In the 20th century, Republican factions included the Progressive Republicans, the Reagan coalition, and the liberal Rockefeller Republicans. In the 21st century, Republican factions include conservative factions (represented in Congress by the Republican Study Committee and the Freedom Caucus), the moderate faction (represented in Congress by the Republican Governance Group), and the libertarian faction. During and after the presidency of Donald Trump, Trumpist and anti-Trumpist factions arose within the Republican Party.

21st century Republican Party factions

During the presidency of Barack Obama, the Republican Party experienced internal conflict between its governing class (known as the Republican establishment) and the anti-establishment, small-government Tea Party movement.^[1][2][3][4] In 2012, The New York Times identified six wings of the Republican Party: Main Street Voters, Tea Party Voters, Christian Conservatives, Libertarians, The Disaffected, and The Endangered Or Vanished.^[5]

In 2014, the Pew Research Center split Republican-leaning voters into three groups: Steadfast Conservatives, Business Conservatives, and Young Outsiders.^[6]

In 2019, during the presidency of Donald Trump, Perry Bacon Jr. of FiveThirtyEight.com asserted that there were five groups of Republicans: Trumpists, Pro-Trumpers, Trump-Skeptical Conservatives, Trump-Skeptical Moderates, and Anti-Trumpers.^[7]

In 2021, following Trump's 2020 loss to Democrat Joe Biden and the 2021 United States Capitol attack, Philip Bump of The Washington Post posited that the Republican Party in the U.S. House of Representatives consisted of three factions: The Trumpists (who voted against the second impeachment of Donald Trump in 2021, voted against stripping Rep. Marjorie Taylor Greene of her committee assignments, and supported efforts to overturn the results of the 2020 presidential election), the accountability caucus (who supported either the Trump impeachment, the effort to discipline Greene, or both), and the pro-democracy Republicans (who opposed the Trump impeachment and the effort to discipline Greene, but also opposed efforts to overturn the 2020 presidential election results).^[8] Also in 2021, Carl Leubsdorf of the Dallas Morning News asserted that there were three groups of Republicans: Never Trumpers (including Bill Kristol, Sen. Mitt Romney, and Govs. Charlie Baker and Larry Hogan), Sometimes Trumpers (including Senate Minority Leader Mitch McConnell and former U.N. Ambassador Nikki Haley), and Always Trumpers.^[9] Gabe Guidarini of Medium.com identified four Republican factions: Moderates, Conservatarians (a portmanteau of "conservative" and "libertarian"), Mainstream MAGA, and National Conservatives.^[10] Pew Research Center identified four Republican-aligned groups of Americans: Faith and Flag Conservatives, Committed Conservatives, the Populist Right, and the Ambivalent Right.^[11]

Republican factions in Congress in the 21st century include conservative factions such as the Republican Study Committee^[12] and the Freedom Caucus^[13] as well as the moderate Republican Governance Group.^[14]

Trumpist faction

File:Rep. Marjorie Taylor Greene official photo, 117th Congress (cropped).jpg

As of 2021, the dominant faction in the Republican Party^[15] consists of Trumpists, supporters of a movement associated with the political base of Donald Trump.^[16] A poll conducted in February 2021 indicated that a plurality of Republicans (46%-27%) would leave the Republican Party to join a new party if Trump chose to create it.^[17] Rather than adopting a new platform, the Republican Party resolved in 2020 to renew its platform of 2016 and declared, "The Republican Party has and will continue to enthusiastically support the President's America-First agenda".^[18][19] By late 2017, performative loyalty and demonstrations of devotion to Trump were normalized within the party.^[20] Political science research indicates that the "insurgent" Tea Party faction paved the way for Trump and this faction within Congress.^[21] While ideological components of the movement are considered fluid and can at times be hard to define or approach from one lens of analysis, Trumpism is widely considered to represent the far-right in the United States ^[22][23] and be an extension of the global national-populist and neo-nationalist movement which saw prominence beginning in the 2010s.^[24] Trumpism has frequently been considered to be the American realization of right-wing populism by many political scientists while others have viewed it as a new form of fascism or neo-fascism, characterizing it as authoritarian and illiberal.^{[25][37][note 1]} Some historians, including many of those using a new fascism classification,^{[note 2]} note that there are strong parallels but considerable differences between Trumpism and 20th century European fascism. ^[40][41] Trumpism has been considered to be an ideological successor to paleoconservatism as well.^[42] Increasingly, vocal support for election denial and voter suppression are near universal traits of Trumpist politicians and Trump himself endorsed many 2022 midterm candidates who held such beliefs.^[43] Leading Trump supporters in Congress as of August 2021 include Representatives Jim Jordan,^[44] Matt Gaetz, Paul Gosar,^[45] Marjorie Taylor Greene,^[46] Lauren Boebert,^[47] Madison Cawthorn^[48] and Elise Stefanik,^[49] and Senators Josh Hawley,^[50] Ted Cruz^[51] and Tommy Tuberville,^[52] who were among 147 Republicans who voted to overturn the results of the 2020 presidential election.^[53] Governors Ron DeSantis of Florida, Greg Abbott of Texas^[54] and Kristi Noem^[55] of South Dakota are also strong supporters and allies of Trump.^{[56][57][58][59]}

Anti-Trumpist faction

A major divide has formed in the party between those who remain loyal to Donald Trump and those who oppose him.^[60] A recent survey concluded that the Republican Party was divided between pro-Trump (the "Trump Boosters," "Die-hard Trumpers," and "Infowars G.O.P." wings) and anti-Trump factions (the "Never Trump" and "Post-Trump G.O.P." wings).^[61] Senator John McCain was an early leading critic of Trumpism within the Republican Party, refusing to support the then-Republican presidential nominee in the 2016 presidential election.^[62]

As of 2021, Republicans openly critical of Trump include Representatives Liz Cheney and Adam Kinzinger; Senators Susan Collins,^[63] Lisa Murkowski, Mitt Romney,^[64] and Ben Sasse;^[65][66] and Governors Charlie Baker of Massachusetts,^[67] Larry Hogan of Maryland,^[68][69] and Phil Scott of Vermont;^[70][71] as well as former Senator Jeff Flake.^[64] Several critics of the Trump faction have faced various forms of retaliation. Cheney was removed from her position as Republican conference chair in the House of Representatives, a move widely perceived as retaliation for her criticism of Trump.^[72] Kinzinger has announced his retirement and Murkowski faces a pro-Trump primary challenger in 2022.^[73][74] A primary challenge to Romney has been suggested^[75] by Jason Chaffetz, who has criticized his opponents within the Republican Party as "Trump haters".^[76] Representative Anthony Gonzalez, one of 10 House Republicans who voted to impeach Trump over the Capitol riot has announced his retirement, calling Trump "a cancer".^[77]

The anti-Trumpist faction of the Republican Party aligns closely with the moderate faction.

Conservative factions

The conservative wing grew out of the 1950s and 1960s, with its initial leaders being Senator Robert A. Taft, Russell Kirk, and William F. Buckley Jr. Its central tenets include the promotion of individual liberty and free-market economics and opposition to labor unions, high taxes, and government regulation.^[79]

In economic policy, conservatives call for a large reduction in government spending, less regulation of the economy, free trade, and (at least partial) privatization of Social Security. Supporters of supply-side economics predominate, but there are deficit hawks within the faction as well. Before 1930, the Northeastern pro-manufacturing faction of the GOP was strongly committed to high tariffs (a political stance that returned to popularity in many conservative circles starting in the mid-to-late 2010s).^[80][81] The conservative wing supports social conservatism (often termed family values) and anti-abortion positions.^[82]

Conservatives generally oppose affirmative action, support increased military spending, and are opposed to gun control. On the issue of school vouchers, conservative Republicans split between supporters who believe that "big government education" is a failure and opponents who fear greater government control over private and church schools. Parts of the conservative wing have been criticized for being anti-environmentalist^[83][84][85] and promoting climate change denial^[86][87][88] in opposition to the general scientific consensus, making them unique even among other worldwide conservative parties.^[88]

There are several subcategories within conservative Republicanism.

Christian right faction

The Christian right is a conservative Christian political faction characterized by strong support of socially conservative policies. Christian conservatives principally seek to apply their understanding of the teachings of Christianity to politics and to public policy by proclaiming the value of those teachings or by seeking to use those teachings to influence law and public policy.^[89]

In the United States, the Christian right is an informal coalition formed around a core of evangelical Protestants and Roman Catholics, as well as a large number of Latter-day Saints (Mormons).^{[90][91][92][93]} The movement has its roots in American politics going back as far as the 1940s and has been especially influential since the 1970s.^[94] In the late 20th century, the Christian right became a notable force in the Republican Party.^[95] Republican politicians associated with the Christian right in the 21st century include former Arkansas Governor Mike Huckabee and former Senator Rick Santorum.^[96] Many within the Christian right have also identified as social conservatives, which sociologist Harry F. Dahms has described as Christian doctrinal conservatives (anti-abortion, anti-gay marriage) and gun-use conservatives (pro-NRA) as the two domains of ideology within social conservatism.^[97]

Libertarian conservative faction

Historically known as Jeffersonian Republicans, libertarian conservatives make up a relatively small faction of the Republican Party.^[6][98] In the 1950s and 60s, fusionism—the combination of traditionalist and social conservatism with political and economic right-libertarianism—was essential to the movement's growth.^[99] This philosophy is most closely associated with Frank Meyer.^[100] Barry Goldwater also had a substantial impact on the conservative-libertarian movement of the 1960s.^[101]

Libertarian conservatives in the 21st century favor cutting taxes and regulations, repealing the Affordable Care Act, and protecting gun rights.^[5] On social issues, they favor privacy, oppose the USA Patriot Act, and oppose the War on Drugs.^[5] On foreign policy, libertarian conservatives favor non-interventionism.^[102][103] The Republican Liberty Caucus, which describes itself as "the oldest continuously operating organization in the Liberty Republican movement with state charters nationwide", was founded in 1991.^[104] The House Liberty Caucus is a congressional caucus formed by former Representative Justin Amash, a former Republican of Michigan who is now a member of the Libertarian Party.^[105] Prominent libertarian conservatives within the Republican Party include New Hampshire Governor Chris Sununu, Senators Mike Lee and Rand Paul, Representative Thomas Massie, and former Representative Ron Paul^[106] (who was a Republican prior to 1987, then joined the Libertarian Party from 1987–1996, back to the Republican Party from 1996–2015 and has been a Libertarian since 2015). Ron Paul ran for president once as a Libertarian and twice more recently as a Republican.

The libertarian conservative wing of the party had significant cross-over with the Tea Party movement.^[107]

Neoconservative faction

Neoconservatives promote an interventionist foreign policy to promote democracy. Many neoconservatives were in earlier days identified as liberals or were affiliated with the Democrats. Neoconservatives have been credited with importing into the Republican Party a more active international policy. Neoconservatives are amenable to unilateral military action when they believe it serves a morally valid purpose (such as the spread of democracy).^[108][109] Many of its adherents became politically famous during the Republican presidential administrations of the late 20th century, and neoconservatism peaked in influence during the administration of George W. Bush, when they played a major role in promoting and planning the 2003 invasion of Iraq.^[110] Prominent neoconservatives in the George W. Bush administration included John Bolton, Paul Wolfowitz, Elliott Abrams, Richard Perle, and Paul Bremer. While not identifying as neoconservatives, senior officials Vice President Dick Cheney and Secretary of Defense Donald Rumsfeld listened closely to neoconservative advisers regarding foreign policy, especially the defense of Israel and the promotion of American influence in the Middle East.^{[citation needed]}

Republican members of the 117th Congress with neoconservative stances include Sens. Tom Cotton^[111] and Lindsey Graham^[112] and Rep. Liz Cheney.^[113]

Moderate faction

A faction that has become increasingly small since the 1990s, modern Republican moderates are sometimes known as "business conservatives".^[6] Moderates tend to be conservative-to-moderate on fiscal issues and moderate-to-liberal on social issues. While they sometimes share the economic views of other Republicans—e.g. balanced budgets, lower taxes, free trade, deregulation, and welfare reform—moderate Republicans differ in that some are for affirmative action,^[114] same-sex marriage, gay adoption, legal access to and even funding for abortion, gun control laws, more environmental regulation and anti-climate change measures, fewer restrictions on legal immigration and a path to citizenship for illegal immigrants, and embryonic stem cell research.^[115][116] In the 21st century, some former Republican moderates have switched to the Democratic Party.^{[117][118][119]}

Prominent 21st century moderate Republicans include Senators Lisa Murkowski of Alaska and Susan Collins of Maine^{[120][121][122][123]} and several Northeastern Governors, such as Charlie Baker of Massachusetts,^[124] Larry Hogan of Maryland,^[125] Phil Scott of Vermont, and Chris Sununu of New Hampshire.^[126] One of the most high-ranking moderate Republicans in recent history was Colin Powell as Secretary of State in the first George W. Bush administration (Powell left the Republican Party in January 2021 following the 2021 storming of the United States Capitol, and had endorsed every Democrat for president in the general election since 2008).^[127]

The Republican Governance Group is a caucus of moderate Republicans within the House of Representatives.^[14]

Historical factions

Half-Breeds

The Half-Breeds were a reformist faction of the 1870s and 1880s. The name, which originated with rivals claiming they were only "half" Republicans, came to encompass a wide array of figures who did not all get along with each other. Generally speaking, politicians labeled Half-Breeds were moderates or progressives who opposed the machine politics of the Stalwarts and advanced civil services reforms.^[128]

Progressive Republicans

Historically, the Republican Party included a progressive wing that advocated using government to improve the problems of modern society. Theodore Roosevelt, an early leader of the progressive movement, advanced a "Square Deal" domestic program as president (1901–09) that was built on the goals of controlling corporations, protecting consumers, and conserving natural resources.^[129] After splitting with his successor, William Howard Taft, in the aftermath of the Pinchot–Ballinger controversy,^[130] Roosevelt sought to block Taft's re-election, first by challenging him for the 1912 Republican presidential nomination, and then when that failed, by entering the 1912 presidential contest as a third party candidate, running on the Progressive ticket. He succeeded in depriving Taft of a second term, but came in second behind Democrat Woodrow Wilson.

After Roosevelt's 1912 defeat, the progressive wing of the party went into decline. Progressive Republicans in the U.S. House of Representatives held a "last stand" protest in December 1923, at the start of the 68th Congress, when they refused to support the Republican Conference nominee for Speaker of the House, Frederick H. Gillett, voting instead for two other candidates. After eight ballots spanning two days, they agreed to support Gillett in exchange for a seat on the House Rules Committee and pledges that subsequent rules changes would be considered. On the ninth ballot, Gillett received 215 votes, a majority of the 414 votes cast, to win the election.^[131]

In addition to Theodore Roosevelt, leading early progressive Republicans included Robert M. La Follette, Charles Evans Hughes, Hiram Johnson, William Borah, George W. Norris, William Allen White, Victor Murdock, Clyde M. Reed and Fiorello La Guardia.^[132]

Radical Republicans

The Radical Republicans were a major factor of the party from its inception in 1854 until the end of the Reconstruction Era in 1877. The Radicals strongly opposed slavery, were hard-line abolitionists, and later advocated equal rights for the freedmen and women. They were often at odds with the moderate and conservative factions of the party. During the American Civil War, Radical Republicans pressed for abolition as a major war aim and they opposed the moderate Reconstruction plans of Abraham Lincoln as too lenient on the Confederates. After the war's end and Lincoln's assassination, the Radicals clashed with Andrew Johnson over Reconstruction policy. After winning major victories in the 1866 congressional elections, the Radicals took over Reconstruction, pushing through new legislation protecting the civil rights of African Americans. John C. Frémont of Michigan, the party's first nominee for president in 1856, was a Radical Republican. Upset with Lincoln's politics, the faction split from the Republican to form the short-lived Radical Democracy Party in 1864 and again nominated Frémont for president. They supported Ulysses S. Grant for president in 1868 and 1872. As Southern Democrats retook control in the South and enthusiasm for continued Reconstruction declined, their influence within the GOP waned.^[133]

Reagan coalition

According to historian George H. Nash, the Reagan coalition in the Republican Party, which centered around Ronald Reagan and his administration throughout all of the 1980s (continuing in the late 1980s with the George H. W. Bush administration), originally consisted of five factions: the libertarians, the traditionalists, the anti-communists, the neoconservatives, and the religious right (which consisted of Protestants, Catholics, and some Jewish Republicans).^[79][134]

Rockefeller Republicans

Moderate or liberal Republicans in the 20th century, particularly those from the Northeast and West Coast, were referred to as "The Eastern Establishment" or "Rockefeller Republicans", after Nelson Rockefeller.^{[135][136][137]} Prominent liberal Republicans from the mid-1930s through the 1970s included: Alf Landon, Wendell Willkie, Earl Warren, Thomas Dewey, Prescott Bush, James B. Pearson, Henry Cabot Lodge Jr., George W. Romney, Theodore McKeldin, Dwight Eisenhower, William Scranton, Charles Mathias, Lowell Weicker, Nancy Kassebaum and Jacob Javits.

Stalwarts

The Stalwarts were a traditionalist faction that existed from the 1860s through the 1880s. They represented "traditional" Republicans who favored machine politics and opposed the civil service reforms of Rutherford B. Hayes and the more progressive Half-Breeds.^[138] They declined following the elections of Hayes and James A. Garfield. After Garfield's assassination by Charles J. Guiteau, his Stalwart Vice President Chester A. Arthur assumed the presidency. However, rather than pursuing Stalwart goals he took up the reformist cause, which curbed the faction's influence.^[128]

Tea Party movement

The Tea Party movement was an American fiscally conservative political movement within the Republican Party that began in 2009 following the election of Barack Obama as President of the United States.^[139][140] Members of the movement have called for lower taxes, and for a reduction of the national debt of the United States and federal budget deficit through decreased government spending.^[141][142] The movement supports small-government principles^[143][144] and opposes government-sponsored universal healthcare.^[145] It has been described as a popular constitutional movement.^[146] On matters of foreign policy, the movement largely supports avoiding being drawn into unnecessary conflicts and opposes "liberal internationalism".^[147] Its name refers to the Boston Tea Party of December 16, 1773, a watershed event in the launch of the American Revolution.^[148] By 2016, Politico said that the modern Tea Party movement was "pretty much dead now"; however, the article noted that it seemed to die in part because some of its ideas had been "co-opted" by the mainstream Republican Party.^[149]

Politicians associated with the Tea Party include former Representatives Ron Paul, Michele Bachmann and Allen West,^[150][151] Senators Ted Cruz, Mike Lee and Tim Scott,^{[152][153][154]} former Senator Jim DeMint,^[153] former acting White House Chief of Staff Mick Mulvaney,^[155] and 2008 Republican vice presidential nominee and former Alaska Governor Sarah Palin.^[151] Although there has never been any one clear founder or leader of the movement, Palin scored highest in a 2010 Washington Post poll asking Tea Party organizers "which national figure best represents your groups?",^[156] while Ron Paul was described in a 2011 Atlantic article as its "intellectual godfather".^[157] Both Paul and Palin, although ideologically different in many ways, had a major influence on the emergence of the movement due to their separate 2008 presidential primary and vice presidential general election runs respectively.^[158][147]

Several political organizations were created in response to the movement's growing popularity in the late 2000s and into the early 2010s, including the Tea Party Patriots, Tea Party Express and Tea Party Caucus.

See also

• Factions in the Democratic Party
• Factions in the Libertarian Party

Notes

References

Further reading

• Barone, Michael and Richard E. Cohen. The Almanac of American Politics, 2010 (2009). 1,900 pages of minute, nonpartisan detail on every state and district and member of Congress.
• Dyche, John David. Republican Leader: A Political Biography of Senator Mitch McConnell (2009).
• Edsall, Thomas Byrne. Building Red America: The New Conservative Coalition and the Drive For Permanent Power (2006). Sophisticated analysis by liberal.
• Crane, Michael. The Political Junkie Handbook: The Definitive Reference Book on Politics (2004). Nonpartisan.
• Frank, Thomas. What's the Matter with Kansas (2005). Attack by a liberal.
• Frohnen, Bruce, Beer, Jeremy and Nelson, Jeffery O., eds. American Conservatism: An Encyclopedia (2006). 980 pages of articles by 200 conservative scholars.
• Hamburger, Tom and Peter Wallsten. One Party Country: The Republican Plan for Dominance in the 21st Century (2006). Hostile.
• Hewitt, Hugh. GOP 5.0: Republican Renewal Under President Obama (2009).
• Ross, Brian. "The Republican Un-Civil War – The Neocons and the Tea Party Fight for Control of the GOP" (August 9, 2012). Truth-2-Power.
• Wooldridge, Adrian and John Micklethwait. The Right Nation: Conservative Power in America (2004). Sophisticated nonpartisan analysis.
• "A Guide to the Republican Herd" (October 5, 2006). The New York Times.
• "Belief Spectrum Brings Party Splits" (October 4, 1998). The Washington Post.