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For other people named James Connolly, see James Connolly (disambiguation).

James Connolly
A side view black-and-white photo of Connelly in a suit
Born(1868-06-05)5 June 1868
Cowgate, Edinburgh, Scotland
Died12 May 1916(1916-05-12) (aged 47)
Kilmainham Gaol, Dublin, Ireland
Cause of deathExecution by firing squad
Political party
Spouse
​
(m. 1890)​
Children7, including Nora and Roddy
Military service
Buried
Arbour Hill Prison, Dublin
Service/branch
Years of service
  • British Army (1882 to 1889)
  • Irish Citizen Army (1913 to 1916)
RankCommandant General
Unit
Battles/warsEaster Rising

James Connolly (Irish: Séamas Ó Conghaile;[1] 5 June 1868 – 12 May 1916) was an Irish republican, socialist, and trade union leader. Born to Irish parents in the Cowgate area of Edinburgh, Scotland, Connolly left school for working life at the age of ten, and became involved in socialist politics in the 1880s.

Although mainly known for his position in Irish socialist and republican politics, he also took a role in Scottish and American politics. He was a member of the Industrial Workers of the World and founder of the Irish Socialist Republican Party. With James Larkin, he was centrally involved in the Dublin lock-out of 1913, as a result of which the two men formed the Irish Citizen Army (ICA) that year; they also founded the Irish Labour Party along with William O'Brien. Connolly was the long-term right-hand man to Larkin in the Irish Transport and General Workers' Union (ITGWU) until taking over leadership of both the union and its military wing the ICA upon Larkin's departure for the United States, then leading both until his death.

He opposed British rule in Ireland, and was one of the leaders of the Easter Rising of 1916, commanding the Irish Citizen Army throughout. Following the defeat of the Rising and the arrest of the majority of its leaders, he was taken to Kilmainham Gaol and executed by firing squad for his part in its proceedings.

Early life[edit]

Connolly was born in an Edinburgh slum in 1868, the third son of Irish parents John Connolly and Mary McGinn.[2][note 1] His parents had moved to Scotland from County Monaghan, Ireland, and settled in the Cowgate, a ghetto where thousands of Irish people lived.[4] He spoke with a Scottish accent throughout his life.[5]

He was born in St Patrick's Roman Catholic parish, in the Cowgate district of Edinburgh known as "Little Ireland".[6] His father and grandfathers were labourers.[2] He had an education up to the age of ten in the local Catholic primary school.[7] He left and worked in labouring jobs. Owing to the economic difficulties he was having,[8] like his eldest brother John, he joined the British Army.[9]

He enlisted at age 14,[10] falsifying his age and giving his name as Reid, as his brother John had done.[11] He served in Ireland with the 2nd Battalion of the Royal Scots Regiment and King's Regiment (Liverpool) for nearly seven years, during a turbulent period in rural areas known as the Land War.[10][12] He would later become involved in the land issue.

He developed a deep hatred for the British Army that lasted his entire life.[13] When he heard that his regiment was being transferred to India, he deserted.[14]

Connolly had another reason for staying: his future wife Lillie Reynolds.[15] Lillie moved to Scotland with James after he left the army, and they married in April 1890.[16] Like his father before him, he worked as a manure carter, but in 1895 attempted to better provide for his growing family by opening a shop as a cobbler. The business failed after a few months because of his inadequate skill and because he was increasingly distracted by interest in the new socialist and labour movement.[17][18]

Republican socialist[edit]

After Ireland is free, says the patriot who won't touch Socialism, we will protect all classes, and if you won't pay your rent you will be evicted same as now. But the evicting party, under command of the sheriff, will wear green uniforms and the Harp without the Crown, and the warrant turning you out on the roadside will be stamped with the arms of the Irish Republic.

James Connolly, in Workers' Republic, 1899

Scottish Socialist Federation[edit]

In Scotland, Connolly was witness to the birth both of the "new unionism", which reached beyond the apprenticed trades sought to organise low and unskilled labour, and of socialist societies influenced by both Marxist and Christian-social teaching.[19][20]

In 1889, he followed his brother John into the Socialist League in Dundee, and in Edinburgh in 1890 into the Scottish Socialist Federation succeeding John as its secretary in 1893. The Federation was largely a propaganda organisation, but committed to working alongside Keir Hardie and his Independent Labour Party in the campaign for labour representation in Parliament.[21]

Within the SSF, Connolly was greatly influenced by John Leslie,12 years his senior, but like him born to poor Irish immigrants. While Leslie did not envisage Ireland breaking the English connection before the advent of a socialist Britain, he was to encourage Connolly in the creation of a separate socialist party in Ireland.[22]

At some time during this period, he took up the study of, and advocated the use of, the neutral international language, Esperanto.[23] A short story, called The Agitator’s Wife, which appeared in the Labour Prophet, a short lived Christian Socialist journal, has been attributed to Connolly.[24][25] His interest in Esperanto is implicit in his 1898 article "The Language Movement", which primarily attempts to promote socialism to the nationalist revolutionaries involved in the Gaelic Revival.

In 1896, after the birth of his third daughter, Connolly considered a future for his family in Chile. But thanks to an appeal by John Leslie, he had the offer of employment in Dublin as a full-time secretary for the Dublin Socialist Club, at £1 per week.[26][27]

Irish Socialist Republican Party[edit]

At Connolly's instigation, the Dublin Socialist Club quickly evolved into the Irish Socialist Republican Party (ISRP).[28] He articulated its credo in "Socialism and Nationalism" published in January 1896 in the first edition of Alice Milligan's Belfast monthly, The Shan Van Vocht. Without a creed capable of challenging the rule of the capitalist, landlord and financier, the nationalism of "Irish Language movements, Literary Societies or [1798] Commemoration Committees" (in which Milligan was heavily engaged) would achieve little.[29] ("The most priceless manuscript of ancient Celtic lore", he later suggested, would continue to be held in less regard by the majority of workers than "a rasher of bacon").[30]

Sidestepping the link Connolly proposed socialism and Irish cultural revival, Milligan responded by taking issue with the party's early suggestion that it participate in Westminster elections. If successful, the ISRP would be drawn, she believed, into "an alliance with the English labour" no less debilitating than the courtship of English Liberals had proved for the Irish Parliamentary Party.[31] In the event, this was not a predicament with which the party had to contend: Ireland's s first socialist party failed to branch out beyond Dublin and had never more than 80 active members.[32] Connolly clashed with the ISRP's other leading light E. W. Stewart, manager of the party's paper, The Worker's Republic (begun in 1898 with a £50 loan from Keir Hardie) and, like himself, a sometime candidate for Dublin City Council. He objected to Stewart's reformism and to his prioritising of bar bills over printer invoices.[33]

In The Worker's Republic and in Erin's Hope (1897) Connolly continued to develop his views on the connection between the national cause and the interests of labour. Drawing in part on the agrarian-cooperative ideas of the 1848 Irish revolutionary, James Fintan Lalor, these attracted the attention of those Connolly accounted "advanced nationalists," among them Maud Gonne and Arthur Griffith with whom he was to join in protesting the Boer War.[34]

Discouraged by division within the party, and despairing over his family's poverty, he was nonetheless persuaded in September 1903 to emigrate to the United States.[35] This followed a four-month lecture tour of the country (September 1902-January 1903) organised by the Marxist theoretician, Daniel De Leon.[26] Moved by De Leon's critique of reformism, and inspired by his Socialist Labor Party of America, in June 1903 Connolly had sided with those within the Social Democratic Federation in Scotland who split for form their own Socialist Labour Party.[36][37]

America: Industrial Workers of the World[edit]

Connolly addresses a crowd of 8,000 in New York City on May Day, 1908

Connolly had no clear plan as to what he would do in the United States.[35] He lived initially with a relative in Troy, New York, working as a salesman for insurance companies. But in 1905, he returned to political work, joining the newly formed Industrial Workers of the World (IWW) as a full-time organizer. He worked mainly in the New York City / Newark, New Jersey area, where he was a close friend of Elizabeth Gurley Flynn, at the time both De Leon's and the IWW's leading agitator among the women of the east-coast textile industry. With Flynn, and with ex-ISRP members Jack Mulray and John Lyng, and Patrick L. Quinlan, he also formed then Irish Socialist Federation (ISF), with branches in New York City and Chicago, for which he edited, and contributed, to a weekly the Harp.[38][39]

Connolly had joined the De Leon's Socialist Labor Party, and was elected to its national executive, but under the influence of the IWW, a "mass movement, whose militancy was unequalled", he turned away from what was an "unashamedly vanguard party.[40] Critical to the supreme faith De Leon placed in the revolutionary party, was his embrace of Ferdinand Lassalle's "iron law of wages" which suggested that wages, in general, could not be sustained much above the subsistence level, and that nominal gains are readily offset by their upward pressure on prices. While this suggested that there was little to be gained from mass trade unionism, Connolly argued that it was a proposition that Marx himself had rejected.[41][42] The defence Connolly offered of industrial unionism in this dispute, Socialism Made Easy (1909). was a reference for the English syndicalist, Tom Mann, who played a leading role in the four years of industrial unrest in Britain that preceded the Great War, and for Shop Stewards’ Movement that roused Clydeside, Manchester and Sheffield in defiance of the wartime labour regime.[43]

Connolly also to take issue with De Leon's insistence on an exclusive, militantly atheistic, Marxism. While he had himself abandoned Catholic devotional observance, he would not accept that religious faith was incompatible with the struggle for social justice.[42][44][45]

In April 1908, Connolly left the SLP, and at its Chicago conference, the IWW expelled the party.[46] In the new year, Connolly and the ISF affiliated with the Socialist Party of America, a broader, less doctrinaire, coalition able to accommodate the syndicalism of the "Wobblies".[47] In a last statement of his credo, The Re-conquest of Ireland (1915), this triumphs over the model of the party state. His Workers' Republic is an industrial commonwealth in which "the workshops, factories, docks, railways, shipyards, &c., shall be owned by the nation, but administered by the Industrial Unions of the respective industries".[48]

James Larkin. He and Connolly founded the Labour Party, in 1912, and the Irish Citizen Army, in 1913.

Irish labour: trade union, party and militia[edit]

Main articles: Dublin lock-out, Irish Citizen Army, and History of the Labour Party (Ireland)

Through the ISF Connolly re-established links with socialists in Ireland, and in 1909 he transferred the production of the Harp to Dublin. The following year, James Larkin persuaded the Socialist Party of Ireland to raise that would enable Connolly and his family to return.[26] In January 1909, Larkin had established the Irish Transport and General Workers Union as "one big union".[49]

His name, and those of his family, appears in the 1911 Census of Ireland – his occupation is listed as "National Organiser Socialist Party".[50] In 1911, Connolly wrote a piece titled decrying George V's upcoming coronation tour visit to Ireland, advocating that "public ownership must take the place of capitalist ownership, social democracy replace political and social inequality, the sovereignty of labour must supersede and destroy the sovereignty of birth and the monarchy of capitalism".[51][52]

In 1913, in response to the Dublin lock-out, he, along with James Larkin and an ex-British officer, Jack White, founded the Irish Citizen Army (ICA), an armed and well-trained body of labour men whose aim was to defend workers and strikers, particularly from the frequent brutality of the Dublin Metropolitan Police. Though they only numbered about 250 at most, their goal soon became the establishment of an independent and socialist Irish nation. With Larkin and William O'Brien, Connolly also founded the Irish Labour Party as the political wing of the Irish Trades Union Congress in 1912 and was a member of its National Executive. He stood twice for the Wood Quay ward of Dublin Corporation but was unsuccessful.

He was editor of The Irish Worker which was suppressed under the Defence of the Realm Act 1914.[53] Around this time he met Winifred Carney in Belfast, who became his secretary and would later accompany him during the Easter Rising. Like Vladimir Lenin, Connolly opposed the First World War explicitly from a socialist perspective. Rejecting the Redmondite position, he declared "I know of no foreign enemy of this country except the British Government."[54]

Easter Rising[edit]

Main article: Easter Rising

Connolly and the ICA made plans for an armed uprising during World War I, independently of the Irish Volunteers. At the end of 1915, believing the Irish Volunteers were dithering, he attempted to goad them into action by threatening to rush Dublin Castle (around which he had already deployed his ICA on nightly manoeuvres) in January. This alarmed the military council of the Irish Republican Brotherhood who had already infiltrated the Volunteers and were determined to safeguard their plans for an insurrection at Easter. Seán Ó Faoláin suggests they "kidnapped" Connolly,[55] but while a unit of Volunteers had been mobilised to arrest Connolly if he had refused to meet with the council, they were not required.[56] Tom Clarke, Patrick Pearse and the other IRB leaders resolved things by taking Connolly into their confidence, and Connolly committed to the IRB plan.[57]

During the Easter Rising, beginning on 24 April 1916, Connolly was Commandant of the Dublin Brigade. As the Dublin Brigade had the most substantial role in the rising, he was de facto commander-in-chief.[according to whom?] Connolly's leadership in the Easter rising was considered formidable. Michael Collins said of Connolly that he "would have followed him through hell."[58]

Following the surrender, he said to other prisoners: "Don't worry. Those of us that signed the proclamation will be shot. But the rest of you will be set free."[citation needed]

Death[edit]

Location of Connolly's execution at Kilmainham Gaol in Dublin

Connolly was not actually held in gaol, but in a room (now called the "Connolly Room") at the State Apartments in Dublin Castle, which had been converted to a first-aid station for troops recovering from the war.[59]

Connolly was sentenced to death by firing squad for his part in the rising. On 12 May 1916, he was taken by military ambulance to Royal Hospital Kilmainham, across the road from Kilmainham Gaol, and from there taken to the gaol, where he was to be executed. While Connolly was still in hospital in Dublin Castle, during a visit from his wife and daughter, he said: "The Socialists will not understand why I am here; they forget I am an Irishman."[60][61]

Connolly had been so badly injured from the fighting (a doctor had already said he had no more than a day or two to live, but the execution order was still given) that he was unable to stand before the firing squad; he was carried to a prison courtyard on a stretcher. His absolution and last rites were administered by a Capuchin, Father Aloysius Travers. Asked to pray for the soldiers about to shoot him, he said: "I will say a prayer for all men who do their duty according to their lights."[62] Instead of being marched to the same spot where the others had been executed, at the far end of the execution yard, he was tied to a chair and then shot.[63]

His body (along with those of the other leaders) was put in a mass grave without a coffin. The executions of the rebel leaders deeply angered the majority of the Irish population, most of whom had shown no support during the rebellion. It was Connolly's execution that caused the most controversy.[64] Historians have pointed to the manner of execution of Connolly and similar rebels, along with their actions, as being factors that caused public awareness of their desires and goals and gathered support for the movements that they had died fighting for.[citation needed]

The executions were not well received, even throughout Britain, and drew unwanted attention from the United States, which the British Government was seeking to bring into the war in Europe. H. H. Asquith, the Prime Minister, ordered that no more executions were to take place; an exception being that of Roger Casement, who was charged with high treason and had not yet been tried.

Although Connolly abandoned religious practice in the 1890s, he turned back to Roman Catholicism in the days before his execution.[65][66][67]

Political views[edit]

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Syndicalism[edit]

Connolly was not simply a socialist, but specifically was a Syndicalist.[26][42] Syndicalism is a form of socialism which espouses the idea that socialism will come about through the mass action of trade unions, and that in a socialist society the unions will control the means of production. Connolly's syndicalism was developed through his interactions with Daniel DeLeon, the Industrial Workers of the World, and Jim Larkin. Although Connolly himself dabbled in electoral politics, he came to lean towards the syndicalist viewpoint that the most effective way for workers to gain power was through strikes. Connolly was also a supporter of the syndicalist and IWW view that workers should organise themselves into "One Big Union".[26][42]

Connolly and DeLeon often clashed on a number of points; one point, in particular, was that Connolly rejected DeLeon's contention that every nominal wage increase gained by workers would be quickly and exactly offset by a corresponding increase in prices, with Connolly arguing that Karl Marx himself had rejected this notion. Connolly suggested that endorsing the idea that wage increases were meaningless would result in socialists never fighting to improve the conditions of workers.[26][42]

In 1910, Connolly published the book Labour in Irish History in which he analysed Irish history from a Marxist perspective. In the book, Connolly argues that prior to the British colonisation of Ireland, the Irish lived in a form of stateless communism. The book also criticised Daniel O'Connell and his work towards Catholic emancipation on the grounds that the result only uplifted the Catholic bourgeoisie and not Catholics as a whole.[26][42]

Connolly envisioned the Industrial Workers of the World forming their own political party which would bring together the feuding socialist groups such as the Socialist Labor Party of America and the Socialist Party of America.[68] Likewise, he envisaged independent Ireland as a socialist republic. His connection and views on Revolutionary Unionism and Syndicalism have raised debate on if his image for a workers' republic would be one of State or Grassroots socialism.[69][70][71] For a time he was involved with De Leonism and the Second International until he later broke with both.[72]

Religion[edit]

Over the course of his political lifetime, Connolly maintained that there was no inherent conflict between religion and socialism, holding that socialists should campaign on economic and political issues alone, and completely avoid debating spirituality, particularly with clergy. Connolly saw attacking religion as a strategic and tactical mistake for socialists, bogging them down in an unnecessary conflict. He also believed that any religion that promoted egalitarianism and humanitarianism could, in fact, aid the introduction of socialism.[26][42] In 1910 Connolly wrote the pamphlet Labour, nationality and religion in which he specifically outlined his view that Socialism and Catholicism were not incompatible.[26][42]

Another point Connolly and DeLeon differed on was marriage; Connolly believed strictly in monogamy while DeLeon was willing to entertain the notion of polyamorous marriages.[26][42]

Nationalism[edit]

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The historian Fergus D'arcy has argued that prior to his return to Ireland in 1910, Connolly was not particularly concerned with the ideological idea of nationalism, but living in Ireland forced Connolly to grapple with the "national question".[26] In 1911, Connolly entered into a public debate with Belfast socialist William Walker. Walker argued that socialism in Ireland would only come about if Ireland remained a part of the United Kingdom, and stated he was an "Internationalist", not a nationalist. Connolly rebutted with his belief that "the only true socialist internationalism lay in a free federation of free peoples".[26]

Although Connolly committed himself and his Irish Citizen Army to the Easter Rising, he remained wary of the Irish nationalists he was aligning himself with. A week before the Easter Rising, he reportedly told members of the ICA "in the event of victory, hold on to your rifles, as those with whom we are fighting may stop before our goal is reached. We are out for economic as well as political liberty".[73]

In Scotland, Connolly's thinking influenced socialists such as John Maclean, who would, like him, combine his leftist thinking with nationalist ideas when he formed the Scottish Workers Republican Party.[74]

Connolly was an advocate of a universal language, stating "I do believe in the necessity, and indeed in the inevitability of an universal language; but I do not believe it will be brought about, or even hastened, by smaller races or nations consenting to the extinction of their language."[75] As such he learned and advocated Esperanto.[76]

Nationalism and Antisemitism[edit]

Connolly spoke positively about Bundist activism in the Russian Empire.[77] At other times, however, Connolly's publication reprinted antisemitic articles, such as one during the Boer War which posed the question: "What would you do in the same position as the Boers? Supposing your country was invaded by a mob of Jew and foreign exploiters ... What would you do?".[78] Connolly's Harp (the journal of the Irish Socialist Federation) also featured an article in 1909 that stated that "the patriotic Irish capitalists imported wholesale scab Jews to break the strike of Irish workers".[79]

Connolly sharply criticised the overtly antisemitic tone of the British SDF's publications during the War, arguing that they had attempted to "divert the wrath of the advanced workers from the capitalists to the Jews".[77]

Feminism[edit]

Connolly had a particular concern with the role of women in society. In 1915, Connolly wrote in The Reconquest of Ireland that "The worker is the slave of capitalist society, the female worker is the slave of that slave" and "of what use...can be the re-establishment of any form of Irish state if it does not embody the emancipation of womanhood?".[80] Connolly supported the Suffragette movement, and Francis Sheehy-Skeffington opined that Connolly was "the soundest and most thorough-going feminist among all the Irish labour men".[42][80] Connolly suggested the oppression of women was a consequence of private property.[80] Connolly held the view that it was not the role of men to liberate women, but for women to liberate themselves with the help of supporting men.[42][80]

Personal life[edit]

James Connolly and his wife Lillie had seven children.[81] Nora became an influential writer and campaigner within the Irish-republican movement as an adult. Roddy continued his father's politics. In later years, both became members of the Oireachtas (Irish parliament). Moira became a doctor and married Richard Beech.[82] One of Connolly's daughters, Mona, died in 1904 aged 13, when she burned herself while she did the washing for an aunt.[83]

Three months after James Connolly's execution his wife was received into the Catholic Church, at Church St. on 15 August.[84]

Legacy[edit]

Connolly's legacy in Ireland is mainly due to his contribution to the republican cause; his legacy as a socialist has been claimed by a variety of left-wing and left-republican groups, and he is also associated with the Labour Party which he founded. Connolly was among the few European members of the Second International who opposed, outright, World War I. This put him at odds with most of the socialist leaders of Europe.

Connolly has been referred and referenced as a "political idol' for a number of trade unionists, such as Mike Quill[85] and Mick Lynch[86][87][88]

Tributes[edit]

  • In 1928, Follonsby miners' lodge in the Durham coalfield unfurled a newly designed banner that included a portrait of Connolly on it. The banner was burned in 1938, replaced but then painted over in 1940. A reproduction of the 1938 Connolly banner was commissioned in 2011 by the Follonsby Miners' Lodge Banner Association and it is regularly paraded at various events in County Durham ('Old King Coal' at Beamish Open Air museum, 'The Seven men of Jarrow' commemoration every June, the Durham Miners' Gala every second Saturday in July, the Tommy Hepburn annual memorial every October), in the wider UK and Ireland.[89][90]
  • Connolly Books, a leftist bookstore in Dublin which was established in 1932, is named after Connolly.[91]
  • The Connolly Association, a British organisation which formed in 1938 and campaigns for Irish unity and independence, is named after Connolly.[92]
  • Connolly and the events of his death are mentioned in the fourth verse of the 1958 song "The Patriot Game" by Irish songwriter Dominic Behan (this verse is sometimes omitted from renditions of the song).[93]
  • In 1968, Irish group The Wolfe Tones released a single named "James Connolly", which reached number 15 in the Irish charts.[94] The band Black 47 wrote and performed a song about Connolly that appears on their album Fire of Freedom. Irish singer-songwriter Niall Connolly has a song "May 12th, 1916 – A Song for James Connolly" on his album Dream Your Way Out of This One (2017). The song "Connolly Was There" is a popular Irish folk song celebrating Connolly's contributions to Unions in Ireland. A well known rendition was sung by Derek Warfield.[95]
  • In a 1972 interview on The Dick Cavett Show, John Lennon stated that James Connolly was an inspiration for his song, "Woman Is the Nigger of the World". Lennon quoted Connolly's 'the female is the slave of the slave' in explaining the feminist inspiration for the song.[96]
  • The Non-Stop Connolly show (1975),[97] a 12-hour play on the life and politics of James Connolly written by John Arden and Margaretta D'Arcy. It was sometimes presented as a daily series and complete script reading, as in London in 1976 at the Almost Free Theatre Soho.
  • Dunedin Connollys GFC, a Edinburgh, Scotland Gaelic Athletic Association (GAA) club founded in 1988, takes its name from his.[98]
  • The song "James Connolly" appears on the 1991 album Black 47 by the band Black 47. It celebrates his career as a socialist and Republican.[99]
  • In a 2002 BBC television production, 100 Greatest Britons where the British public were asked to register their vote, Connolly was voted in 64th place.
  • The Connolly Youth Movement is named after him.[100]

Memorials[edit]

Monuments to James Connolly
Statue of Connolly in Dublin
Statue of Connolly in Belfast
Bust of Connolly in Troy, New York

There is a statue of James Connolly in Dublin, outside Liberty Hall, the offices of the SIPTU trade union. Another statue of Connolly stands in Union Park, Chicago near the offices of the UE union.

In 1986 a bust of Connolly was erected in Riverfront Park in Troy, New York.[101]

In March 2016 a statue of Connolly was unveiled by Department of Culture, Arts and Leisure minister Carál Ní Chuilín, and Connolly's great-grandson, James Connolly Heron, on Falls Road in Belfast.[102]

Connolly Station, one of the two main railway stations in Dublin, and Connolly Hospital, Blanchardstown, are named in his honour.

In the Cowgate area of Edinburgh where Connolly grew up there is a likeness of Connolly and a gold-coloured plaque dedicated to him under the George IV bridge.[103]

In July 2023 a plaque was unveiled by the Dublin City Council at Connolly's former residence on South Lotts Road in Ringsend.[104]

Writings[edit]

  • Connolly, James. 1897. Erin's Hope: The Ends and the Means (republished as The Irish Revolution, c. 1924)
  • Connolly, James. 1898. The New Evangel
  • Connolly, James. 1910. Labour in Irish history (republished 1914)
  • Connolly, James. 1910. Labour, Nationality, and Religion (republished 1920)
  • Connolly, James. 1914. The Axe to the Root, and, Old Wine in New Bottles (republished 1921)
  • Connolly, James. 1915. The Re-Conquest of Ireland (republished 1917)
  • Ryan, Desmond (ed.). 1949. Labour and Easter Week: A Selection from the Writings of James Connolly. Dublin: Sign of the Three Candles
  • Edwards, Owen Dudley & Ransom, Bernard (eds.). 1973. Selected Political Writings: James Connolly, London: Jonathan Cape
  • Anon. (ed.). 1987. James Connolly: Collected Works (Two volumes). Dublin: New Books
  • Ó Cathasaigh, Aindrias (ed.). 1997. The Lost Writings: James Connolly, London: Pluto Press ISBN 0-7453-1296-9

See also[edit]

Notes[edit]

  1. ^ He gave his place of birth as County Monaghan in the 1901 and 1911 censuses.[3]

References[edit]

  1. ^ Ó Cathasaigh, Aindrias. 1996. An Modh Conghaileach: Cuid sóisialachais Shéamais Uí Chonghaile. Dublin: Coiscéim, passim
  2. ^ a b Connolly, James; Ellis, Peter Berresford (1988). James Connolly: selected writings. London: Pluto Press. p. 9. ISBN 978-0-7453-0267-6.
  3. ^ "1911 Census form". Census of Ireland 1901/1911. The National Archives of Ireland. Archived from the original on 24 April 2018. Retrieved 30 October 2010.
  4. ^ Dangerfield, George (Spring 1986). "James Joyce, James Connolly and Irish Nationalism". Irish University Review. 16 (1). 5. ISSN 0021-1427. JSTOR 25477611.
  5. ^ Donal Nevin. 2005. "James Connolly: A Full Life", p. 636 Gill and Macmillan; ISBN 0-7171-3911-5
  6. ^ Levenson, Samuel (1973). James Connolly: a biography. London: Martin Brian and O'Keeffe. p. 28. ISBN 978-0-85616-130-8.
  7. ^ Morgan, Austen (1990). James Connolly : a political biography. Manchester: Manchester University Press. p. 14. ISBN 978-0-7190-2958-5.
  8. ^ Jeffery, Keith (15 October 2010). "Ireland and World War One". British History in-depth. BBC. Archived from the original on 31 May 2019. Retrieved 31 October 2010.
  9. ^ Edwards, Ruth Dudley (1981). James Connolly. Dublin: Gill and Macmillan. pp. 1–2. ISBN 978-0-7171-1112-1. Archived from the original on 22 May 2020. Retrieved 18 March 2016.
  10. ^ a b O'Riordan, Tomás. "James Connolly". Multitext Project in Irish History. University College Cork, Ireland. Archived from the original on 11 June 2011. Retrieved 31 October 2010.
  11. ^ Reeve, Carl; Reeve, Ann Barton (1978). James Connolly and the United States: the road to the 1916 Irish rebellion. Atlantic Highlands, N.J.: Humanities Press. p. 10. ISBN 978-0-391-00879-3.
  12. ^ "Ireland: society & economy, 1870-1914". University College Cork, Ireland. Archived from the original on 10 September 2010. Retrieved 8 April 2011.
  13. ^ Levenson 1973, p. 333
  14. ^ McCartan, Eugene (12 May 2006). "The man looking over our shoulder". James Connolly Memorial Lecture. James Connolly Education Trust. Archived from the original on 7 October 2012. Retrieved 21 April 2011.
  15. ^ Levenson 1973, p. 24
  16. ^ Morgan 1990, p. 15
  17. ^ Mac Thomáis, Shane (8 June 2005). "Remembering the Past – James Connolly". anphoblacht.com. An Phoblacht. Archived from the original on 12 March 2012. Retrieved 26 April 2011.
  18. ^ Levenson 1973, p. 39
  19. ^ D'Arcy, Fergus (2009). "Connolly, James | Dictionary of Irish Biography". www.dib.ie. Retrieved 5 April 2024.
  20. ^ Austen Morgan (1989). James Connolly: A Political Biography. Manchester University Press. p. 17. ISBN 978-0-7190-2958-5.
  21. ^ Johnson, Michael (2016). "How Connolly became a socialist | Workers' Liberty". www.workersliberty.org. Retrieved 5 April 2024.
  22. ^ Young, James D. (1993). "John Leslie, 1856-1921: A Scottish-Irishman As Internationalist". Saothar. 18: (55–61) 55-56. ISSN 0332-1169.
  23. ^ James Connolly and Esperanto Archived 15 December 2016 at the Wayback Machine, esperanto.ie; accessed 28 May 2017
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Further reading[edit]

  • Allen, Kieran. 1990. The Politics of James Connolly, London: Pluto Press ISBN 0-7453-0473-7
  • Anderson, W.K. 1994. James Connolly and the Irish Left. Dublin: Irish Academic Press. ISBN 0-7165-2522-4.
  • Collins, Lorcan. 2012. James Connolly. Dublin: O'Brien Press. ISBN 1-8471-7160-5.
  • Fox, R.M. 1943. The History of the Irish Citizen Army. Dublin: James Duffy & Co.
  • Fox, R.M. 1946. James Connolly: the forerunner. Tralee: The Kerryman.
  • Gallagher, Niamh. 30 November 2023. "How to Plan an Insurrection" (review of Liam McNulty, James Connolly: Socialist, Nationalist and Internationalist), London Review of Books, vol. 45, no. 23
  • Kostick, Conor & Collins, Lorcan. 2000. The Easter Rising. Dublin: O'Brien Press ISBN 0-86278-638-X
  • Lloyd, David. Rethinking national Marxism. James Connolly and ‘Celtic Communism’ Interventions: International Journal of Postcolonial Studies, 5:3, 345–370.
  • Lynch, David. 2006. Radical Politics in Modern Ireland: A History of the Irish Socialist Republican Party (ISRP) 1896- 1904. Dublin: Irish Academic Press. ISBN 0-7165-3356-1.
  • McNulty, Liam. 2022. James Connolly: Socialist, Nationalist and Internationalist. London: Merlin Press. ISBN 0-8503-6783-2.
  • Nevin, Donal. 2005. James Connolly: A Full Life. Dublin: Gill & MacMillan. ISBN 0-7171-3911-5.
  • O'Callaghan, Sean. 2015. James Connolly: My search for the Man, the Myth and his Legacy. ISBN 9781780894348
  • Ransom, Bernard. 1980. Connolly's Marxism, London: Pluto Press. ISBN 0-86104-308-1.
  • Strauss, Eric. 1973. Irish Nationalism and British Democracy, Westport CT: Greenwood. ISBN 0-8371-8046-5
  • Thompson, Spurgeon. "Gramsci and James Connolly: Anticolonial intersections", Interventions: International Journal of Postcolonial Studies, 5:3, 371-381
  • Townshend, Charles (2005). Easter 1916: the Irish rebellion. London: Allen Lane. 49, 81, 122, 134–6, 155–8, 161, 171, 214, 246, 254–7, 261–3, 309. ISBN 978-0-7139-9690-6.

External links[edit]

source: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/James_Connolly

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